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PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


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INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


INTERVENTION  IN 
MEXICO 


SAMUEL  GUY  INMAN 


Foreword  by  Professor  IVilliam  R.  Shepherd 


NEW 


YORK 


GEORGE  H.  DORAN  COMPANY 


Copyright,  1919,  By 
Samuel  Guy  Inman 


CONTENTS 


Page 


Foreword vii 

I.  Various  Aspects  of  the  Problem  ...  i 

II.  Is  the  Present  Disturbance  in  Mexico 

a Real  Revolution?  43 

III.  What  Kind  of  a Man  Is  Carranza?  . 80 

IV.  What  Mexicans  Think  of  Americans  . 117 

V.  The  Present  Situation  in  Mexico  . . . 162 

VI.  Future  Relations  between  Mexico  and 

the  United  States 204 

Appendix 244 


FOREWORD 


A professor  is  sometimes  defined  as  a person  who 
thinks  otherwise.  Not  many  years  ago  an  emin- 
ent American  statesman  who  was  once  a professor 
bade  the  people  of  Mexico  Godspeed  in  gaining  for 
and  by  themselves  true  political  freedom,  and 
pledged  himself  that,  so  far  as  he  could  prevent  it, 
no  one  should  interfere  with  them.  Has  the  situa- 
tion of  our  southern  neighbor  changed  so  mate- 
rially since  then,  or  are  we  thinking  otherwise? 

There  was  a time  in  our  history  when  civil  war 
nearly  rent  the  nation  asunder.  Luckily,  we  had 
all  of  our  political  troubles  that  had  to  be  settled 
by  fighting  packed  into  four  years.  In  this  respect 
the  only  difference  between  Mexico  and  ourselves 
is  that  the  fighting  has  been  spread  over  most  of  a 
century.  When  the  struggle  was  on  in  our  own 
case  we  called  it  a war  and  made  it  conform  some- 
what to  the  Sherman  definition.  So  have  the 
Mexicans,  only  more  so. 

Happily  for  us,  in  our  great  civil  convulsion  the 
foreigners  who  lost  their  lives  or  property  because 
of  the  destruction  that  accompanies  warfare  were 
few.  Unhappily  for  Mexico,  the  number  of  such 
foreigners  is  considerable.  For  European  states 
whose  citizens  had  suffered  in  our  conflict  through 
no  fault  of  their  own,  indemnity  could  be  secured 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


viii 

by  peaceful  processes.  None  of  them  ever  thought 
of  declaring  war  upon  us  as  a means  of  gaining 
redress.  For  one  thing,  the  United  States  was 
strong  enough  to  resist.  For  another  thing,  it  was 
and  is  a country  different  from  Mexico. 

In  the  world  at  large,  Mexico  is  recognized  as  an 
independent  sovereign  nation.  WTiatever  the 
complaints  raised  up  against  it  because  of  the  mis- 
conduct or  misfortune  of  its  rulers  and  people,  the 
fact  remains  that  it  is  not  a colonial  region  in- 
habited by  an  altogether  backward  folk  in  sore 
need  of  correction.  That  may  be  the  popular  view 
taken  by  the  outsider,  but  it  is  not  the  official  one. 
It  is  quite  true,  however,  that  the  attitude  of  our 
Government  toward  Mexico  during  the  last  eight 
years  of  disorder  and  turmoil  would  seem  to  indi- 
cate that  the  country  is  neither  an  independent 
sovereign  nation  nor  yet — on  the  order  of  certain 
of  its  smaller  sisters  in  and  around  the  Caribbean 
Sea — a ward  of  the  United  States.  No,  it  is  some 
anomalous  thing  that  lies  in  between. 

Does  Mexico  belong  in  the  category  of  a real 
foreign  nation,  and  is  it  to  be  treated  as  such,  or 
does  it  in  fact  come  within  the  “domestic  policy”  of 
the  United  States  and  hence  form  part  of  our 
Caribbean  household?  To  interfere  or  not  to 
interfere,  that  has  been  the  question — answered 
usually  in  the  affirmative!  Is  it  to  be  succeeded 
by  “to  intervene  or  not  to  intervene?” 


FOREWORD 


IX 


Now,  if  Mexico  is  an  independent  sovereign 
state,  it  has  an  absolute  right  to  adopt  a constitu- 
tion whenever  it  pleases,  and  to  do  so  in  its  own 
way.  That  its  way  is  not  ours  does  not  alter  the 
right  in  the  matter.  Even  if  the  new  constitution 
does  set  aside  laws,  statutory  or  constitutional,  and 
replace  them  by  others  that  may  violate  privileges 
of  private  ownership  conferred  by  such  pre- 
existent laws,  even  if  the  procedure  under  them  is 
held  to  be  confiscatory  by  the  persons  and  govern- 
ments adversely  affected,  the  Mexican  people, 
nevertheless,  are  quite  at  liberty,  should  they  so 
choose,  and  in  their  own  fashion,  to  incur  all  the 
international  risks  that  action  of  the  sort  may 
bring  forth ; but  they  can  not  be  denied  the  right 
to  change  their  laws  as  they  see  fit.  War  may  be 
made  upon  them  in  consequence;  they  may  be 
conquered  and  their  country  may  be  annexed  or 
converted  into  a protectorate.  In  that  case  they 
would  suffer  the  fate  that  many  a weak  nation  has 
undergone  at  the  hands  of  a strong  one.  But  if 
Mexico  has  lost  the  quality  and  distinction  of  being 
an  independent  sovereign  nation,  or  perhaps  in 
reality  has  never  had  them,  and  all  along  has  been 
subject  to  the  operation  of  our  “domestic  policy,” 
“intervention”  doubtless  is  technically  more  or  less 
of  a suitable  expression  to  use,  though  conquest  is 
what  would  take  place. 


X 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


And  why  should  we  “intervene”?  Chiefly  be- 
cause certain  vested  interests,  American  and 
European,  do  not  wish  to  obey  the  existing  Mexi- 
can constitution,  which  apparently  seeks  to 
nationalize  the  properties  concerned.  Formerly 
the  holders  of  those  interests  paid  taxes;  now  they 
are  asked  to  pay  royalties  or  rentals.  The  one 
means  that  they  were  the  owners  of  the  property; 
the  other,  that  the  state  owms  it.  Admitting  that, 
if  actually  carried  into  effect,  a procedure  of  that 
kind  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  Government 
would  amount  to  confiscation,  does  that  justify  us 
in  conquering  Mexico,  wdth  all  the  expenditure  of 
blood  and  treasure  which  war  involves? 

The  cry  is  raised  that  hundreds  of  American  and 
European  men,  women,  and  children  have  been 
murdered  or  outraged  by  Mexicans  in  a country 
that  is  slowly  recovering  from  the  disasters  of  a 
terrible  civil  war.  Will  the  loss  of  thousands  of 
lives  of  American  soldiers  atone  for  them? 

With  a fine  disregard  for  the  plea  that  Mexico 
may  cherish  grievances  against  the  United  States 
on  its  own  account  for  a variety  of  acts  of  inter- 
ference in  recent  years,  and  with  no  effort  to 
ascertain  what  the  real  sentiments  of  the  Mexican 
leaders  and  people  have  been  toward  the  war  in 
Europe,  it  is  asserted  that  Mexico  has  been 
“pro-German,”  and  hence  must  be  punished.  Is 
there  not  just  a possibility  that  the  Mexicans  and 


FOREWORD 


XI 


their  Government  have  been  “pro-Mexican”  in- 
stead? Is  there  a faint  chance  to  believe  that  the 
present  administration  of  the  country  is  not  the 
choice  of  its  people  so  much  as  the  will  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States? 

We  shall  be  told  that  “intervention”  will  be  a 
good  thing  for  the  Mexicans.  They  will  bless  us 
for  it  later,  just  as  Cubans,  Dominicans,  Haitians, 
Nicaraguans,  and  Panamanians  presumably  have 
done.  Perhaps. 

Let  us  not  assume  that  the  task,  if  undertaken, 
would  be  an  easy  one.  What  we  have  been  doing 
in  the  little  republics  in  and  around  the  Caribbean 
is  no  criterion  for  what  we  would  have  to  do  in  a 
huge  country  like  Mexico,  among  a population 
seven-eighths  of  which  is  Indian  and  half  caste. 
Let  us  not  imagine,  also,  that  the  nature  of  the 
work  would  be  free  from  more  than  the  usual 
horrors  that  beset  even  the  most  justifiable  of  wars. 
“Intervention”  in  Mexico  would  be  nothing  other 
than  the  entry  of  an  army  of  invasion.  History 
tells  us  what  that  signifies  for  both  invaded  and 
invader.  Worse  still,  the  fighting  could  not  fail  to 
become  essentially  a conflict  of  race  and  color. 
We  know  only  too  well  what  that  means. 

Is  there  no  way  out?  Mr.  Inman,  who  knows 
Mexicans  and  yet  remains  an  American,  thinks 
that  he  has  found  it.  Hear  him! 

William  R.  Shepherd. 


CHAPTER  I 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

Mexico  is  again  occupying  the  front  page  of  the 
newspapers.  England,  France,  and  the  United 
States  have  organized  an  international  committee 
of  bankers  to  study  the  Mexican  question ; various 
oil  interests  have  formed  the  National  Association 
for  the  Protection  of  American  Rights  in  Mexico; 
Congressmen  are  demanding  reports  and  closer 
vigilance  from  the  State  Department  In  reference 
to  Mexico;  the  Council  on  Foreign  Relations 
appoints  a committee  of  distinguished  citizens  to 
hear  reports  from  any  one  who  has  Ideas  on  the 
subject;  a capitalist  appropriates  $100,000  for 
assisting  a group  of  university  professors  to  investi- 
gate Mexican  social  and  educational  matters. 
These  and  various  other  things  Indicate  the  interest 
of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  our  Ignorance  on 
the  question. 

Newspapers  only  add  to  our  confusion.  Des- 
patches assure  us  that  Villa  is  about  to  make  a 
formidable  attack  on  the  Texas  border  and  that 
the  Constitutionalists  have  complete  control  of 
the  country;  that  Carranza  intends  to  carry  out 
his  promise  of  an  amicable  adjustment  with  the 


2 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


foreign  property  owners,  and  that  a decree  has 
been  promulgated  at  Mexico  City  ordering  the 
instant  payment  of  the  royalty  taxes  on  oil;  that 
the  “Bolshevik!  dominate  Mexico,”  and  that 
Carranza  is  in  league  with  the  I.  W.  W.  to  over- 
throw what  order  there  is ; that  the  Diaz  counter- 
revolt is  sure  to  win  and  gain  possession  of  the  gov- 
ernment, and  that  Zapata  and  Blanquet  are 
killed. 

One  is  reminded  of  the  confusion  of  the  poor 
man  from  China  in  the  siege  of  Torreon,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Madero  Revolution.  The  insur- 
gents attacked  the  city,  which  was  held  by  the 
Federals.  There  was  in  the  city  a large  Chinese 
colony,  which  had  no  idea  but  that  the  Diaz  forces 
would  be  the  victors.  When  the  rebels  had  fought 
their  way  into  the  best  part  of  the  city,  a Chinese, 
fleeing  for  his  life,  was  challenged  by  a soldier 
with  the  regular  formula,  “Quien  vive?"  “Viva 
Diaz”  he  replied.  But  he  was  face  to  face  with  a 
Madero  soldier,  who  promptly  knocked  him  down 
with  the  butt  of  his  rifle.  Getting  up  again,  the 
poor  Chinese  was  running  with  all  his  might, 
when  he  was  accosted  by  another  soldier  with  the 
challenge,  “Quicn  vive?”  Remembering  his  former 
experience,  he  responded,  “Viva  Madero!”  But 
this  was  a belated  Diaz  soldier  who  hadn’t  yet 
abandoned  the  city,  and  he  promptly  gave  the  poor 
Celestial  an  awful  blow  on  the  head.  The  latter 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  3 


finally  picked  himself  up  and  was  limping  along 
when  he  was  challenged  by  a third  soldier,  “Quien 
vive?”  But  the  Celestial  was  wise  by  this  time  and 
replied,  “Tu  digas  primero”  (You  say  first). 

This  well  illustrates  the  confusion  in  which  most 
people  find  themselves  in  reference  to  the  whole 
mixed,  muddled  Mexican  question.  In  endeavor- 
ing to  contribute  something  toward  clearing  up 
such  an  involved  matter,  which  has  a thousand 
ramifications  that  few  recognize,  I am  fully  aware 
that  my  judgments  are  fallible.  What  I hope  to  do, 
however,  because  I have  had  special  opportunities 
of  knowing  it,  is  to  present  the  Mexican  side  of  the 
question.  Most  people  in  the  United  States  look 
at  the  whole  question,  judge  every  act  involved, 
in  the  light  of  its  effect  on  this  country.  But  we 
shall  never  understand  or  help  very  much  to  solve 
the  Mexican  question  until  we  know  what  the 
Mexicans  are  thinking  and  doing  about  it.  This 
is  not  easy.  We  are  likely  to  misunderstand 
Mexico  for  at  least  five  reasons: 

First,  a lack  of  knowledge  of  geography  and  history. 
Most  of  us  have  no  historic  background  from  which 
to  judge  Mexico.  We  take  it  for  granted  either 
that  Mexico  has  had  about  the  same  chance  to 
develop  as  we  have  and  was  too  lazy  to  take  it, 
or  that  “the  Mexicans  are  a bunch  of  Indians  who 
have  never  done  anything  for  themselves  or  any- 
body else,  and  never  will.”  Even  the  judgment  of 


4 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


Americans  living  in  Mexico  is  often  marred  by  the 
lack  of  historical  perspective.  Many  went  to  the 
country  in  the  heyday  of  the  Diaz  r%ime,  when 
material  prosperity  was  general,  and  the  life  of 
the  foreigner  was  easy.  They  did  not  penetrate 
below  the  surface  and  take  cognizance  of  the 
abuses  to  which  the  Mexicans  themselves  were 
subjected.  So  they  did  not  understand  that  it 
would  be  natural  some  day  for  the  Mexican  to 
seek  to  rid  himself  of  political  and  economic  serf- 
dom and  to  direct  his  own  country;  and  that 
when  such  a movement  finally  materialized  there 
would  be  the  “devil  to  pay”  for  a period  of  years, 
just  as  there  has  been  in  all  nations  where  his 
Satanic  Majesty  has  forced  autocracy  for  centu- 
ries. We  fail  to  appreciate  the  terrible  handicaps 
of  inheritance  and  the  combinations  of  conserva- 
tism that  have  kept  Mexico  back,  in  spite  of  the 
incessant  struggle  for  liberty  on  the  part  of  a 
small  minority,  who  have  displayed  wonderful 
brilliancy  and  the  devotion  of  martyrs. 

If  the  Constitution  of  1857  were  better  known, 
there  would  not  be  nearly  so  much  misunderstand- 
ing of  the  Constitution  of  1917,  to  which  it  is  very 
similar.  If  we  knew  that  the  progressive  part  of 
Mexico  is  in  the  north  and  the  conservative  toward 
the  south,  and  that  the  southern  Indian  states 
have  very  seldom  exercised  any  important  in- 
fluence in  the  country’s  political  life,  we  should 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  5 


know  better  how  to  judge  the  value  of  news  arti- 
cles, which  seek  to  alarm  us  by  stories  of  “Indian 
uprisings”  in  Campeche  and  Bolsheviki  in  Yuca- 
tan ! Below  I quote  a statement  which  succeeded 
in  “getting  by”  the  keen  editor  of  one  of  our  lead- 
ing magazines,  because  the  author  supposedly 
knew  all  about  Mexico,  as  he  had  traveled  on  mule- 
back  through  the  Indian  states  of  Yucatan, 
Campeche,  Oaxaca,  Vera  Cruz,  and  Morelos, 
talking  to  many  of  the  big  Indian  chiefs!  Those 
who  know  Mexico  can  credit  such  an  author  with 
any  honesty  whatever  only  by  supposing  that 
he  had  touched  none  of  the  big  progressive  centers 
of  the  north,  where  the  new  democratic  life  of  the 
country  had  been  developing  for  many  years. 
The  article  from  which  this  statement  is  taken 
was  translated  and  published  in  a Mexico  City 
daily  without  comment,  in  order  to  show  on  what 
absolute  absurdities  the  people  of  the  United 
States  were  willing  to  feed: 

“Granted  fully  that  Wilson  has  sought  from  the 
start  to  help  Democracy  in  Mexico,  nevertheless 
it  is  absolutely  true  today  that  his  policy  has 
utterly  failed;  that  its  sole  result  has  been  to 
continue  for  yet  more  years  the  crucifixion  of  the 
country,  almost  to  exhaustion;  that  he  has  not 
won  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  the  least  degree, 
for  all  his  words  on  their  behalf — for  they  see  only 
the  results;  and  that  Mexico  is  falling  inevitably 
toward  a contest,  to  intervention.  . . Not  a 


6 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


single  hope  of  Woodrow  Wilson’s  has  been  grati- 
fied; and  only  one  or  two  incidental  results: 
Huerta  was  driven  out  and  Americans  did  not 
have  to  come  back.  Mexico  is  still  quite  a strenu- 
ous and  difficult  country  for  Americans — wherever 
the  Carranzistas  are ; elsewhere  it  is  all  right.  But 
if  Carranza,  Alvarado,  etc.,  have  been  an  obstacle 
to  American  business  men,  to  Mexicans  they  have 
been  fire  and  sword.  It  is  impossible  to  exaggerate 
interior  conditions  today,  or  the  hatred  of  the 
common  people  for  the  Carranzistas.  The  people 
have  security  and  any  degree  of  happiness  only  in 
the  mountains  and  interior  districts,  where  they 
are  protected  by  their  own  revolutionary  armies  of 
Diaz,  Zapata,  and  others.”  World's  Work,  March, 
1919. 

Such  a quotation  immediately  suggests  that  a 
second  reason  why  outsiders  have  difficulty  in 
understanding  the  Mexican  situation  is  their 
ignorance  of  the  internal  political  currents  of  Mexico. 
This  is  not  to  be  wondered  at.  Pity  the  foreigner 
who  tries  to  understand  United  States’  politics 
today,  with  Wilson,  the  ideal  of  the  outside 
world,  at  home  the  most  criticized  man  since 
Lincoln!  Just  as  in  this  country  it  is  always  an 
open  question  how  much  an  official’s  act  repre- 
sents himself,  how  much  the  pressure  of  the  con- 
stituency, and  how  much  it  is  an  endeavor  to 
secure  backing  for  other  policies,  so  it  is  In  Mexico. 
The  claim  of  some  Constitutionalists  that  Carranza 
was  not  in  favor  of  the  most  radical  parts  of  the 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  7 


Queretero  Constitution,  and  accepted  them  only 
because  he  did  not  think  it  wise  to  oppose  the 
radicals  too  far,  was  generally  denied  by  those  in 
this  country  who  had  only  the  general  opinion  that 
Carranza  was  an  anti-foreign  bigot.  It  puts  a 
different  interpretation  on  the  whole  question  when 
one  hears  the  following  from  a New  York  attorney 
for  American  interests  in  Mexico,  who  says: 
“I  also  have  the  best  of  reasons  to  believe  that  the 
Queretero  Constitution  went  farther  than  Car- 
ranza intended : that  reason  being  that  I have  the 
text  of  the  Constitution  as  presented  to  the  Con- 
vention by  Mr.  Carranza,  which  text  contains 
none  of  the  extreme  provisions  and  is  in  all  a 
statesmanlike  document.” 

Constitutions  remind  one  of  a third  difficulty 
we  have  in  understanding  Mexico — the  difference 
between  Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  psychology.  The 
secretary  of  a community  club  once  expressed  it 
in  this  way:  “If  a young  American  comes  in  to  see 
us  about  joining  the  Club,  he  wants  to  see  the 
swimming  pool,  the  gymnasium,  and  the  night 
classes.  If  a Latin  comes  for  the  same  purpose, 
he  wants  to  see  our  Constitution.”  With  the  Latin 
the  theory  must  be  perfect,  whatever  the  practice. 
A political  constitution,  to  the  average  Latin- 
American,  is  an  ideal  toward  which  the  country  is 
to  work.  It  is  not  at  all  embarrassing  to  him  to 
know  that  the  ideal  is  a long  way  from  the  real. 


8 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


Again,  certain  articles  are  framed  that  they  may 
be  used  when  necessary,  and  only  at  such  times. 
It  is  hard  for  the  square-headed,  direct  Saxon  to 
understand  this.  During  President  Diaz’s  admin- 
istration, some  American  missionaries  began  wor- 
rying for  fear  they  were  disobeying  the  reform 
laws  by  holding  meetings  in  private  homes.  They 
went  to  the  President  about  it.  He  asked  if  they 
had  been  molested.  They  replied  in  the  negative. 
‘A/^ery  well,  then,”  he  said,  “go  ahead  with  your 
work.”  If  they  insisted  on  a ruling,  the  strict 
interpretation  of  the  law  would  be  against  them. 
But  why  worry,  as  long  as  the  authorities  did  not 
molest  them? 

In  the  same  way  when  the  Constitution  of  1917 
was  adopted,  with  still  more  strenuous  laws  con- 
trolling religious  activities,  Carranza  officials  ex- 
plained to  American  missionaries  that  they  should 
do  their  work  as  before.  “Es  cuestion  de  adminis- 
traciSn”  was  the  explanation,  which  meant  that 
the  provision  was  there  to  be  invoked  at  any  time 
when  a religious  organization  began  to  meddle 
with  political  affairs.  In  fact,  the  general  princi- 
ples of  the  Constitution  usually  become  applicable 
only  when  Congress  passes  special  laws  defining 
the  mode  of  their  operation.  There  is  also  fre- 
quently found  in  Latin-America  the  attitude  dis- 
played by  one  of  our  own  politicians,  in  the  familiar 
expression,  “What  is  the  Constitution  among 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  9 


friends?”  But  this  thing  that  I am  pointing  out  is 
not  at  all  a lack  of  honesty,  as  the  Saxon  is  likely 
to  judge  it,  but  simply  the  Latin  way  of  looking 
at  things. 

A fourth  difficulty  that  Americans  have  in 
judging  this  subject  is — the  impossibility  of  our 
separating  the  Mexican  question  from  our  own 
political  and  economic  life.  If  one  is  Wilsonian, 
he  is  pretty  sure  to  favor  patience  in  the  matter. 
If  one  is  Rooseveltian,  he  condemns  the  revolution 
and  calls  for  order  to  be  restored  immediately. 
An  editor  noted  for  his  broadmindedness,  with 
whom  I recently  discussed  the  Mexican  question, 
said  to  me:  “The  trouble  is  that  some  of  us  don’t 
trust  our  President’s  judgment  in  foreign  affairs, 
so  we  can  not  favor  the  government  he  supports.” 
This  is  manifestly  unfair  to  Mexico.  If  we 
Americans  believe  as  a general  principle  in  help- 
ing weak  and  backward  nations  through  their 
tedious  and  often  bloody  struggles  toward  light 
and  liberty,  and  are  willing  to  give  our  all  to  favor 
such  nations  across  the  sea,  then  we  should  be 
very  careful  not  to  allow  party  prejudices  to  with- 
hold such  help  from  a neighbor  who  happens  to 
be  so  near  us  that  she  can  not  help  figuring  in  our 
national  affairs.  It  is  not  right  to  idealize  the 
Armenian  and  the  Pole,  because  they  are  too  far 
away  for  us  to  see  their  frailties,  and  damn  the 
Mexican  because  he  is  too  near  for  us  to  see  his 


10 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


good  points  and  to  sympathize  with  his  pathetic 
struggle  for  democracy. 

It  is  doubtful  if  anything  in  Mexico  itself  more 
complicates  the  Mexican  problem  than  the  fact 
that  that  nation,  wonderfully  rich  in  natural 
resources,  but  backward  in  ability  for  self-develop- 
ment,  is  next  door  to  the  most  powerful  nation  on 
earth.  We  are  particularly  interested  in  Mexico 
because  her  stability  affects  our  pocketbooks. 
The  price  of  meat  could  be  kept  from  soaring  too 
much  if  the  great  cattle  ranges  of  northern  Mexico 
could  be  scientifically  developed.  Our  manufac- 
turers count  on  the  vast  resources  of  Mexico’s 
mines.  Thousands  of  Americans  count  on  stable 
economic  conditions  for  their  daily  bread.  And 
millions  of  Mexicans  are  dependent  on  American 
capital  for  their  support.  Before  the  Revolution, 
an  official  of  that  country  told  me  there  were 
about  800,000  Mexicans  dependent  alone  on  the 
Guggenheim  and  allied  interests — one  out  of  every 
twenty  of  the  population.  Much  has  been  said 
concerning  the  influence  on  the  Revolution  of  the 
strong  competition  between  American  and  Brit- 
ish oil  interests.  President  Diaz  first  sought  to 
develop  the  physical  resources  of  Mexico  by  a 
lavish  treatment  of  American  investors.  Later  on, 
however,  he  became  somewhat  alarmed  by  their 
power  and  sought  to  offset  it  by  giving  privileges 
for  railroad  building,  oil  exploitations,  and  the 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  1 1 


like  to  British  syndicates.  This  led  to  the  claim, 
by  some,  that  the  Madero-Diaz  struggle  was 
simply  a struggle  between  the  American  and 
British  oil  interests.  While  that  was  a superficial 
judgment,  since  there  were  fundamental  moral  and 
political  questions  involved,  yet  that  conflict  has 
had  no  doubt  an  influence  on  Mexican  politics. 
Just  now  all  foreign  capitalists,  at  least  the  oil 
companies,  have  united  to  oppose  Carranza  in  his 
supposed  desire  to  attack  their  interests.  However 
right  they  may  be  in  protesting  against  the  taking 
away  of  their  profits  by  the  new  Government,  from 
the  standpoint  of  the  Mexicans  the  pacification  of 
the  country  has  been  deterred  by  their  determined 
opposition  to  Carranza,  the  one  leader  who  shows 
any  ability  to  stabilize  conditions.  Carranza’s 
own  feeling  about  the  matter  has  been  expressed 
in  a recent  interview  published  in  the  San  Antonio 
Express,  as  follows: 

“The  bandits  are  kept  in  existence  by  foreign 
interests  that  have  a purpose  against  the  establish- 
ment of  law  and  order  through  a stable  govern- 
ment. The  spasmodic  outbursts  of  these  outlaws 
do  not  form  a military  problem,  but  one  created  by 
various  interests  in  the  hope  of  bringing  inter- 
vention. And  it  does  not  imperil  the  Government. 

Inasmuch  as  foreign  Interests  have  been  exerting 
themselves  in  the  interest  of  this  or  that  candidate, 
and  have  been  fomenting  political  unrest  in  Mex- 
ico, when  the  paramount  need  for  the  peaceful 


12 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


and  progressive  future  of  the  republic  is  a stable 
government  that  will  be  allowed  unhampered  to 
work  out  the  many  and  difficult  problems  of  the 
reconstruction  of  the  country,  it  is  very  clear  that, 
for  the  good  of  Mexico  and  the  good  of  the  relations 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  we  must 
avoid  any  foreign  influence  already  at  work  in 
Mexico  or  outside  of  Mexico. 

We  do  not  want  to  see  in  our  politics  other  peo- 
ples trying  to  influence  the  candidates,  for  the 
reason  that  such  meddling  is  perilous  to  the 
friendly  relations  of  the  two  peoples.  We  people 
of  Mexico  must  fight  our  own  political  battles 
without  foreign  interference. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  there  is  so  much  mis- 
understanding in  the  United  States  regarding 
Mexico  and  its  problems.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that 
the  press  of  the  United  States  will  see  us  with 
clear  eyes  and  open  mind,  and  watch  us,  but  not 
interfere  with  us.  I do  not  mean  by  this  that  the 
press  is  not  perfectly  entitled  to  Avatch  the  progress 
of  our  elections  with  the  same  interest  as  we  watch 
the  elections  in  the  United  States.  Is  it  not,  how- 
ever, common  sense  to  agree  that  a people  of  dif- 
ferent blood,  racially  apart,  with  many  differing 
characteristics  due  to  tradition  and  environment, 
can  not  advise  wisely  another  people?  Can  they 
enter  intimately  and  with  full  understanding  into 
Mexico’s  complex  questions?  No,  I submit  that 
Mexicans  alone  can  do  this.” 

How  far  the  ramifications  of  foreign  capital  have 
brought  about  the  last  factor  that  will  be  men- 
tioned as  obscuring  our  understanding  of  the  Mexi- 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  13 


can  problem,  I do  not  know.  But  probably  the 
biggest  single  difficulty  in  this  matter  is  the  fact 
that  the  American  people  with  rare  exceptions  do  not 
get  the  truth  about  conditions  in  Mexico.  Of  course, 
we  expect  some  sensations  or  we  wouldn’t  buy  the 
papers.  The  world  owes  certain  reporters  a living, 
and  that  accounts  for  other  misrepresentations. 
Then,  the  keen  agents  of  the  various  opponents  of 
the  Carranza  Government  will,  once  in  a while, 
slip  over  a story  on  even  the  editor  who  is  after 
only  the  news  that’s  fit  to  print.  But  making 
allowances  for  all  this,  it  is  hard  not  to  believe, 
to  express  it  mildly,  that  there  is  a determined 
policy  on  the  part  of  some  of  our  leading  American 
dailies  to  paint  as  dark  a picture  of  chaotic  condi- 
tions in  Mexico  as  it  is  possible  to  do. 

Here  is  only  one  illustration.  Two  years  ago, 
when  the  United  States  declared  war  on  Germany, 
I was  in  Mexico  City.  From  there  I went  to 
Havana,  where  I got  my  first  New  York  papers 
and  found  on  the  first  page,  “Mexican  Revolt — 
Report  Carranza  has  been  Overthrown — Obregon 
in  Power.”  On  that  very  day  the  papers  in 
Mexico  City  were  reporting  the  details  of  the  war 
discussions  in  Washington,  and  there  was  absolute 
calm  in  the  National  Palace,  where  General 
Carranza  was  transacting  business  as  serenely  as 
ever.  That  this  was  not  simply  a slip-up  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  I have  a large  pamphlet  in  which 


14 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


are  printed  the  letters  that  were  written  to  this 
paper,  requesting  the  correction  of  flagrant  mis- 
representations of  conditions  in  Mexico,  yet  not 
a word  of  such  correction  was  ever  printed.  One 
who  will  check  up  the  number  of  rumors  printed 
each  week  by  the  American  press  concerning  dire 
happenings  in  Mexico,  which  a short  lapse  of  time 
proves  to  be  untrue,  will  be  ready  to  question 
seriously  what  influence  is  directing  our  press. 

Much  more  could  be  said  concerning  the  dif- 
ficulty the  American  people  have  in  understanding 
the  Mexican  situation.  In  spite  of  these  difficul- 
ties, there  is  a widespread  demand  in  this  country 
that  the  United  States  assume  the  responsibility  of 
settling  Mexico’s  complicated  problems.  This 
demand  is  becoming  more  and  more  insistent. 
Let  me  cite  a few  recent  quotations  from  our  news- 
papers and  public  men  concerning  this  matter. 

The  New  York  Globe  says : 

“American  intervention  in  Mexico  can  not,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  best  informed  people,  be  long  post- 
poned, unless  it  is  determined  that  American  inter- 
ests and  influence  in  that  country  shall  be  entirely 
sacrificed.  Organized  Bolshevism,  taking  the 
form  of  confiscation  and  distribution  of  property 
under  color  of  legal  proceedings,  is  becoming  the 
rule.  Carranza  is  hostile  to  American  and  British 
interests,  and  while  since  the  armistice  his  leaning 
toward  German  influence  has  been  discontinued, 
his  attitude  toward  Americans  and  English  has 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  15 


not  been  modified.  If  anything,  it  has  become 
more  bitter.”^ 

The  New  York  Sun  comments: 

“Just  one  thing  emerges  as  certain,  beyond  a 
doubt,  and  that  is  that  Mexican  affairs  are  in  a 
chaotic  state.  No  one  party  appears  strong  enough 
to  gain  full  control.  No  one  trusts  any  of  the 
others.  It  is  a condition  of  things  that  threatens 
anarchy.  Can  we  afford  to  allow  it  to  continue?”^ 

Senator  Porter  says  {New  York  Sun,  December 
30,  1918); 

“While  the  War  was  in  progress  it  overshadowed 
all  other  events  to  such  an  extent  that  the  Ameri- 
can people  are  not  generally  informed  of  the  high- 
handed proceedings  undertaken  by  the  Mexican 
Government  in  the  name  of  constitutional  revision. 
But  now  that  the  War  is  over  we  should  turn  our 
attention  to  Mexico  and  serve  notice  upon  Car- 
ranza that  the  long  line  of  outrages  upon  American 
citizens  and  their  interests  must  cease.  In  no 
circumstances  should  we  sit  supinely  and  permit 
the  confiscation  of  American  property. 

Steps  should  be  taken  at  once  to  prevent  it,  and 
if  the  Carranza  Government  persists  in  its  course 
it  will  be  brought  to  terms.  The  time  has  come  for 
straightening  out  our  relations  with  Mexico,  as  has 
been  intimated  by  European  investors.  Matters 
cannot  be  permitted  to  drift  along  as  they  have 
been  doing.  We  must  insist  upon  our  rights  and 
secure  protection  for  American  lives  and  property. 


1 Quoted  in  New  York  Tribune,  March  23,  1919. 


i6 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


While  the  American  Government  might  stand 
passively  by  during  the  destruction  of  physical 
properties  in  revolutionary  disorders,  it  can  not  be 
passive  in  the  face  of  deliberate  destruction  of  title 
to  property  by  governmental  act.  Physical  de- 
struction may  be  unavoidable,  but  deliberate 
annulment  of  title  is  a voluntary  act  of  authority 
which  can  and  must  be  forestalled.” 

In  a report  of  a recent  dinner  of  the  Council  on 
Foreign  Relations,  the  Vice-President  of  the  Guar- 
anty Trust  Company  is  quoted ^ as  saying: 

“Thanks  to  a careful  censorship,  little  real  news 
has  come  out  of  Mexico  publicly  in  the  last  two 
years,  but  from  private  sources  we  learn  that 
conditions  there  have  become  intolerable.  Ameri- 
can business  institutions  with  large  interests  in  that 
territory  have  recently  been  compelled  to  organize, 
for  the  purpose  of  calling  this  situation  to  public 
notice  and,  if  possible,  to  secure  some  measure  of 
protection  from  our  Government. 

The  distressing  fact  to  all  those  sincerely  inter- 
ested in  the  welfare  of  the  Mexican  people,  and 
who  w'ould  like  to  see  the  Mexican  people  develop 
themselves,  is  that  IVIexico  has  not  the  seed  within 
herself  to  achieve  what  manifestly  must  be  accom- 
plished before  it  can  enjoy  a free  and  enlightened 
government.  It  must  seek  assistance  outside  of 
itself  to  lift  it  out  of  the  chaotic  conditions  now 
existing. 

The  new  Mexican  Constitution,  recently 
adopted,  is  Bolshevik  in  its  theory  and  provisions. 
It  decrees  that  the  holding  of  property  is  a social 


’ The  World  Tomorrow,  March,  1919. 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  17 


function,  and  provides  for  the  bald  confiscation  of 
property  rights,  as  Americans  and  all  civilized 
governments  understand  such  rights.” 

The  informant  of  the  New  York  Times, ^ was 
positive  in  his  assertion  that  President  would  soon 
deal  with  the  matter  in  a special  message  to 
Congress  and  that  intervention  in  Mexico  would 
probably  be  recommended.  The  statement  was 
added  that  in  dealing  with  the  Mexican  situation 
from  this  time  the  United  States  Government 
would  act  not  for  itself  alone,  but  also  for  Great 
Britain  and  France. 

“A  canvass  of  the  situation  seems  to  indicate 
that  American  intervention  in  Mexico,  not  for  the 
purpose  of  interfering  with  the  sovereign  right  of 
Mexicans  to  govern  themselves,  but  to  protect  the 
lives  and  rights  of  foreigners  in  Mexico,  and  to 
restore  law  and  order,  may  be  only  a matter  of 
months,  if  not  weeks. 

The  statement  was  made  that  when  the  Ameri- 
can Government  next  intervenes  in  Mexico  there 
would  be  no  turning  back,  that  the  army,  navy, 
and  air  service  would  cooperate,  and  all  the 
machinery  of  civil  government  would  be  taken 
over,  including  the  courts  and  custom  houses, 
under  a guardianship  for  the  benefit  of  all  for- 
eigners, as  well  as  to  end  the  intolerable  situation, 
which  continues  despite  the  repeated  protests 
made  by  the  State  Department  to  the  Carranza 
Government.  . . . 

For  months  no  other  international  question  in 
which  this  country  has  been  interested,  not  con- 


New  York  Times,  July  10,  1919. 


l8 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


nected  directly  with  the  proceedings  at  Paris, 
has  been  so  much  in  the  mind  of  State  Department 
officials  and  members  of  the  diplomatic  corps.” 

The  average  North  American  has  had  too  little 
contact  with  the  outside  world  to  realize  the  in- 
fluence that  casual  statements  made  in  his  own 
country  about  international  relations  have  in 
other  nations.  I happened  to  be  in  Mexico  City 
when  some  of  the  statements  just  cited  about 
chaotic  conditions  in  Mexico  were  repeated  in 
big  red  headlines  in  the  Mexico  City  papers  the 
next  morning  after  their  utterance  in  New  York, 
in  order  to  show  that  Americans  would  not  stop 
at  the  basest  falsehoods  to  misrepresent  Mexico. 
No  doubt  the  statements  were  made  in  a kind  of 
careless  way  by  those  who  thought  they  should 
exaggerate  a bit  in  order  to  emphasize  the  bad 
conditions  sufficiently.  But  in  Mexico,  where 
people  actually  are  living  in  conditions  entirely 
different,  it  appeared  as  nothing  less  than  damna- 
ble lying  for  a purpose.  When  some  reporter 
wants  a “scoop,”  or  some  Congressman  wants  to 
please  his  constituency,  or  some  after-dinner 
speaker  needs  to  wake  up  his  fellow-diners,  Mexico, 
being  a subject  in  which  everyone  is  interested  and 
about  which  few  know  anything,  offers  a fine  field. 
Such  needy  gentlemen  hardly  realize  in  their 
innocent  provincialism  what  far-reaching  effect 
their  words  may  have.  I saw  recently  more  than 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  19 


a hundred  dray-loads  of  old  American  newspapers 
being  carried  across  the  international  border  to 
be  sold  to  Mexican  merchants  for  wrapping  paper. 
Quite  enterprising,  I thought  at  first.  But  after- 
ward my  mind  went  to  the  hundreds  of  young 
Mexicans,  who,  as  I know  from  experience,  would 
get  hold  of  these  papers  and  spell  out  the  headlines, 
many  of  which  would  contain  insulting  references 
to  Mexico.  I was  introduced  to  an  audience  at  a 
big  eastern  university  the  other  day,  as  one  capa- 
ble of  speaking  on  Mexico,  since  I knew  “Carranza 
and  several  other  bandits.” 

When  one  begins  to  estimate  how  much  of  this 
kind  of  thing  reaches  the  sensitive  Mexican,  one 
can  not  be  surprised  that  German  propagandists 
found  such  fallow  ground  in  that  country.  A 
Mexican  now  living  in  this  country,  writing  to  the 
New  York  Globe,  has  expressed  it  as  follows : 

“Under  the  title  ^The  Salvation  of  Mexico  Lies 
in  Annexation  to  America',  a New  York  paper 
publishes  an  editorial  today  calling  attention  to 
an  article  written  by  the  correspondent  of  another 
New  York  paper,  which  purports  to  tell  of  terrible 
conditions  in  Mexico,  and  President  Carranza’s 
political  end. 

While  you  Americans  are  sending  your  boys  to 
the  trenches  to  fight  for  democracy,  for  the  salva- 
tion of  the  small  peoples,  so  that  they  may  have 
the  fullest  expression  of  liberty,  as  set  forth  by 
your  noble  President,  such  articles  as  this  reprinted 


20 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


in  my  country  as  expressions  of  the  real  and  un- 
masked feeling  of  the  American  people  toward 
Mexico  would  certainly  be  the  best  medium  and 
the  very  ideal  material  for  some  unneutral  propa- 
gandist to  bring  to  the  Mexican  people’s  mind  that 
the  United  States  is  to  be  feared  and  hated. 

The  editorial  pictures  the  success  of  the  Mexican 
States  taken  as  a ‘prize  of  war’  in  1848,  and  sug- 
gests that  similar  action  is  the  only  solution  at  the 
present  time  to  bring  peace  to  the  half  of  Mexico 
you  ‘permitted  to  remain  Mexican’,  forgetting 
that  your  American  sons  are  battling  across  the 
seas  for  the  principles  of  ‘democracy  without 
annexations,  without  indemnities’. 

Having  lived  for  several  years  in  the  United 
States,  I know  that  the  feeling  for  the  conquest  of 
Mexico,  as  set  forth  and  hoped  for  by  the  writer  of 
the  editorial  in  question,  does  not  exist.  As  a 
subject  of  Mexico,  I know,  too,  that  the  feeling  of 
hatred  for  the  Americans  does  not  exist  in  my 
country.  But  such  a publication  is  quickly  seized 
upon  by  propagandists  hostile  to  the  United 
States,  translated  into  the  Spanish  tongue,  repub- 
lished in  the  newspapers  all  over  Mexico  and  also 
in  pamphlet  form,  and  read  there,  unfortunately, 
as  the  real  expression  of  the  sentiment  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  As  an  anti-climax, 
these  statements  were  given  out  in  the  United 
States  as  ‘unfriendly  propaganda’.” 

Another  serious  aspect  of  this  loose  talk  about 
Mexican  intervention  is  its  effect  on  all  Latin- 
America.  In  1914  I made  an  extended  trip  to 
South  America  and  saw  the  intense  feeling  stirred 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  21 


by  our  landing  troops  in  Vera  Cruz,  and  I was 
impressed  by  the  general  feeling  of  antagonism 
toward  the  United  States.  On  a later  visit  in  1917, 
I was  struck  by  the  disappearance  of  prejudice 
everywhere  and  the  desire  for  closer  relations  with 
the  United  States.  The  reasons  for  this  change 
seemed  to  lie  in  four  directions.  First,  of  course, 
was  our  entrance  into  the  World  War  for  democ- 
racy. Following  that  in  importance  were  second, 
the  increased  commercial  relations  and  third,  the 
exchange  of  students  and  professors.  But  every- 
where I was  impressed  with  the  new  confidence 
in  the  United  States  that  had  come  because, 
fourth,  of  our  refusing  to  intervene  in  Mexico. 
My  experiences  corroborated  fully  the  following 
words  of  W.  L.  Saunders,  Manager  of  the  Ingersoll- 
Rand  Co.,  whose  world-wide  experience  in  organ- 
izing manufacturing  enterprises  and  whose  unusual 
grasp  of  world  trade  make  him  peculiarly  capable 
of  speaking  on  the  subject.  I quote  rather  exten- 
sively from  an  article  by  him  in  The  Americas, 
April,  1916,  because  it  is  important  that  we  should 
understand  the  matter  involved.  He  says: 

“A  great  deal  has  been  said  and  written  of  late 
about  what  we  should  do  to  get  an  increased  busi- 
ness in  Central  and  South  America.  Much  aca- 
demic and  some  practical  reasoning  has  been 
indulged  in  by  public  speakers  and  magazine 
writers,  societies  have  been  formed,  advertising 


22 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


has  been  resorted  to  and  sundry  steps  taken  to  sell 
American  products  in  the  countries  to  the  south 
of  us.  Little  has  been  said  or  written  about  what 
seems  to  be  the  first  and  most  important  step — 
one  far-reaching  in  its  influences.  I refer  to  the 
act  of  the  present  Administration  in  cultivating 
the  good  opinion  of  Latin-Americans  through  our 
Mexican  policy. 

It  is  well  known  among  those  familiar  with 
Central  and  South  American  conditions  that  the 
United  States  has  been  looked  upon  with  jealous 
suspicion.  We  are  so  large  and  so  powerful  that 
they  have  feared  our  domination.  No  matter 
what  state  authorities  may  have  said  in  public 
documents  it  has  remained  true  that  up  to  a 
recent  date  a large  majority  of  intelligent  Latin- 
American  people  have  felt  that  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  with  a singleness  of  purpose  in 
chasing  the  mighty  dollar,  were  anxious  so  to  en- 
circle the  little  countries  to  the  south  of  us  that  we 
might  use  their  resources  to  fatten  our  purses. 
They  have  looked  upon  us  as  eminently  a practical 
people  and  in  that  respect  as  differing  from  the 
old  Castilian  idea  of  chivalry  and  honor.  We 
know  that  they  are  mistaken  in  this,  and  that  the 
ethical  code  of  the  American  business  man  is  equal 
to  that  of  any  other  in  the  world,  but  our  visits  to 
Latin-America  and  our  public  statements  have 
had  little  effect.  When  we  took  Cuba  they  were 
certain  that  we  expected  to  retain  and  milk  it, 
and  when  we  gave  it  back  to  the  Cuban  people 
they  were  surprised  and  mystified.  When  we  took 
Panama  and  declined  to  pay  for  it  they  turned 
to  each  other  and  nodding  their  heads  said:  ‘Ah! 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  23 


I told  you  so.  This  is  the  true  policy  of  the  United 
States.  Let  us  take  care  that  our  independence  is 
preserved  against  them’. 

When  one  people  fear  and  dislike  another  it  is 
difficult  for  them  to  cultivate  either  business  or 
social  relations.  Latin-American  countries  were 
always  glad  to  get  United  States  money  for  invest- 
ment in  their  country,  but  other  things  being  equal 
they  preferred  foreign  capital.  American  investors 
showed  no  great  anxiety  to  go  into  countries 
where  the  people  were  more  or  less  hostile,  so  that 
except  in  mines  and  a few  other  special  enterprises 
no  investments  on  a large  scale  were  practiced. 
About  three  years  ago  the  policy  of  the  United 
States  in  regard  to  Mexico  began  to  attract  the 
attention  of  our  neighbors.  They  have  been 
watchfully  waiting,  expecting  us  to  take  advantage 
of  Mexican  weakness  and  helplessness  to  draw  the 
country  under  control.  That  we  have  not  done 
this  has  puzzled  them,  and  they  are  now  beginning 
to  look  at  us  in  a new  light — a condition  which 
promises  to  do  more  than  anything  else  for  the 
industrial  prosperity  and  peace  of  all  the  Americas. 

During  the  recent  Pan-American  Scientific 
Congress  held  in  Washington  I spent  one  week 
as  a delegate,  reading  a paper  on  a scientific  sub- 
ject, and  mixing  with  the  people.  My  chief  aim 
was  to  find  out  what  they  really  thought  about 
us,  and  in  expressing  the  sentiment  of  Senor 
Francisco  Peynado  of  the  Dominican  Republic  I 
believe  that  I am  giving  the  true  feeling  of  most 
of  the  delegates  from  these  countries.  Senor 
Peynado  is  a man  of  great  intelligence,  an  eminent 
international  lawyer,  commended  as  such  by  John 


24 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


Bassett  Moore.  He  said  to  me  that  there  never 
had  been  a time  when  the  feeling  of  Latin-Ameri- 
can  people  toward  the  United  States  was  so  cordial 
as  at  present  and  that  this  was  due  mainly  to  our 
policy  in  regard  to  Mexico,  He  said  that  they 
knew  that  we  had  Mexico  in  our  power,  that  it 
w'as  directly  in  line  with  what  was  generally  sup- 
posed to  be  our  ambition:  namely,  to  get  control 
of  all  states  as  far  at  least  as  the  Panama  Canal. 
They  knew  that  we  would  have  no  difficulty  in 
taking  Mexico  if  we  wanted  to,  and  at  first  they 
thought  we  had  some  motive  in  postponing  the 
day,  but  after  three  years  they  were  becoming 
convinced  that  the  United  States  really  did  not 
seek  Latin-American  territory;  that  we  were 
friends  and  not  enemies;  that  our  cooperation 
with  them  in  an  effort  to  settle  Mexican  affairs 
showed  a spirit  which  they  had  no  idea  that  we 
possessed — one  which  if  continued  and  established 
would  go  further  than  anything  else  to  unite  all 
the  Americas.  Words  and  promises  could  not 
be  expected  to  go  as  far  as  actual  deeds  in  a 
matter  of  such  importance.  That  what  we  had 
done,  and  what  we  had  left  undone,  was  beginning 
to  take  root,  and  that  it  was  likely  to  result  in  a 
fruitful  harvest. 

What  can  be  more  important  than  this?  It 
makes  for  prosperity  during  peace  and  for  mutual 
protection  and  strength  against  invasion.  Any 
other  course  in  regard  to  Mexico  than  that  which 
has  been  followed  might  have  resulted  in  either 
retaining  or  intensifying  the  old  feeling  of  suspicion 
among  our  neighbors.  Posterity  alone  will  prove 
either  that  the  policy  of  the  Administration  toward 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  25 


Mexico  has  been  one  of  ‘weakness’  or  of  far-reach- 
ing wisdom  and  importance.” 

Professor  W.  R.  Shepherd  of  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, after  pointing  out  three  courses  of  action 
for  the  United  States  in  dealing  with  Mexico,  the 
appointment  of  an  international  commission  to 
find  out  the  facts,  the  exercising  of  financial  pres- 
sure, and  intervention,  says; 

“But  if  armed  intervention  and  the  setting  up  of 
an  American  protectorate  be  the  action  chosen, 
the  United  States,  in  my  judgment,  will  forfeit 
the  friendship  of  every  country  in  Latin-America.” 

There  is  another  result  of  intervention  talk 
which  comes  closer  home  to  us  and  that  is  the 
divisive  effect  it  has  on  our  own  people,  at  a time 
when  we  shall  need  every  bit  of  the  wisdom  and 
unity  we  can  possibly  summon  to  solve  our  own 
problems.  The  following  quotations  may  be  as 
exaggerated  as  those  quoted  in  favor  of  inter- 
vention. But  there  is  no  doubt  that  they  repre- 
sent the  opinion  of  a very  large  number  of  people 
in  this  country,  some  of  whom  would  sooner  fight 
the  interventionists  than  fight  Mexico. 

The  New  York  Call,  (March  21,  1918),  says: 

“Perhaps  the  most  efficient  machine  capitalists 
ever  constructed  is  that  described  by  a correspon- 
dent of  the  World  from  Mexico  City.  Its  object 
is  ‘a  deliberate,  widespread,  and  more  or  less  well- 


26 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


organized  campaign’  to  ‘force  American  interven- 
tion in  IMexico’.  There  is  one  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  this,  but  it  may  be  overcome  with  proper 
‘efficiency’  work.  This  is  the  fact  that  the  great 
masses  of  the  people  here  do  not  care  two  hoots  in 
hades  for  the  dollars  invested  in  Mexico.  . . 

Speakers  have  been  hired  to  speak  at  conferences, 
congresses,  and  forums.  Headquarters  have  been 
secured  at  Washington,  and  for  a time  a ‘grape- 
vine’ connection  was  maintained  with  a certain 
bureau  at  the  United  States  Government.  ‘News’ 
about  Mexico  and  the  Mexicans  is  supplied  to 
journals  in  all  parts  of  the  country  from  time  to 
time.  Attacks  on  President  Carranza  are  inspired 
in  the  newspapers,  and  occasional  ‘atrocities’  are 
featured  which  occur  only  in  the  consciousness  of 
the  press  agent.  The  next  Congress  has  a scent  of 
petroleum  about  it,  and  this  is  regarded  as  the 
last  item  in  this  efficiency  campaign.  After  it  is 
organized,  orders  will  be  given  and  a pretext  will 
be  found  for  waging  war  upon  Mexicans.  . . . 

In  other  words,  the  capitalists  and  financiers 
interested  in  this  thing  do  not  hesitate  to  kill 
thousands  of  Mexicans  and  have  thousands  of 
Americans  killed  for  the  sake  of  American  dollars 
invested  in  Mexico.  Every  detail  of  this  dirty 
enterprise  has  been  planned  and  organized,  accord- 
ing to  this  story,  with  the  care  for  detail  that  is 
taken  in  organizing  a corporation.  The  coming 
months  will  witness  a progressive  development  of 
propaganda  along  these  lines,  and  many  of  us 
may  be  given  the  glorious  privilege  of  dying  for 
the  greater  glory  of  American  investors.” 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  27 


The  World  Tomorrow,  representing  another  class 
of  people,  says:  (Editorial  of  March,  1919, 

number) 

“The  time  to  stop  a war  is  before  it  begins.  Our 
war  with  Germany  is  over,  . . For  a while  at 

least  most  of  humanity  has  ceased  its  ghastly  self- 
slaughter, and  men’s  hearts  and  minds  are  filled 
with  hopes  and  plans  for  a better  and  an  ordered 
world.  We  have  entered  upon  a breathing  space 
during  which,  if  public  opinion  will  but  steady 
itself,  inform  itself,  and  concern  itself  with  realities 
instead  of  with  chimeras,  we  may  actually  stop 
the  next  war  before  it  begins.  The  next  war! 
How  can  there  be  a next  war?  We  have  just  won 
the  war  that  was  to  end  war.  The  Kaiser  lan- 
guishes in  exile.  Prussian  militarism  is  over- 
thrown. Who,  then,  must  we  fight  and  what  are 
we  to  fight  about?  With  a full  realization  of  the 
seriousness  of  what  we  are  saying,  our  blunt 
answer  to  the  first  question  is,  Mexico,  and  to  the 
second,  American  investments. 

What  are  the  grounds  upon  which  we  base  these 
assertions?  The  facts  are  not  far  to  seek.  Even 
our  Military  Intelligence  Department  could  hardly 
fail  to  discover  them.  Let  us  marshal  here  a few 
of  the  most  revealing  facts  for  our  readers’  own 
interpretation  and  judgment.” 

We  have  gone  a long  way  in  many  matters 
concerning  international  relations  during  the  last 
four  years.  Does  the  old  doctrine  of  intervention, 
as  our  fathers  interpreted  it,  still  stand?  Perhaps 
we  had  better  not  say,  “as  our  fathers  interpreted 


28 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


it,”  for  our  o^^^l  fathers  would  not  stand  for  it  a 
minute,  when  England  and  Germany  during  our 
Civil  War  intimated  that,  in  the  name  of  humanity 
and  for  the  protection  of  their  property  and 
citizens,  they  should  put  a stop  to  a bloody 
fratricidal  war  that  was  dragging  out  through  the 
years.  We  have  just  confiscated  foreign  property 
by  the  millions  by  passing  the  Prohibition  Amend- 
ment, yet  no  one  would  think  that  that  gave  a 
foreign  government  the  right  to  intervene  in  our 
affairs.  But  would  that  be  true  if  we  were  the  size 
of  Costa  Rica?  The  constitutional  President  of 
that  country  is  an  outlaw  today,  and  a revolution- 
ary government  rules,  because  certain  American 
interests  did  not  like  his  land  tax  and  his  refusal 
to  be  bribed  for  certain  concessions. 

Has  the  World  War,  our  fight  for  the  rights  of 
self-determination  for  weak  and  small  nations, 
changed  in  any  way  the  old  doctrine  of  inter- 
vention by  a strong  nation  in  the  affairs  of  a weak 
nation?  It  is  a question  on  which  every  fair- 
minded  man  will  ponder. 

The  opinion  of  President  Carranza  on  the  matter 
of  intervention  is  given  in  a clear  statement  made 
by  Sr.  Antonio  Manero,  who,  as  the  official 
representative  of  the  Mexican  President,  made  a 
trip  through  Latin  - America  recently,  giving 
lectures,  which  are  published  in  a volume  called 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  29 


Mexico  y la  Solidaridad  Americana — La  Doctrina 
Carranza.  Sr.  Manero  says: 

“Nearly  all  laws,  national  as  well  as  interna- 
tional, in  Latin-America  have  a common  origin — 
the  effort  of  the  stronger  nations  to  exercise  con- 
trol over  the  weaker  ones’  affairs  in  defense  of  the 
interests  of  their  nationals,  who  are  either  immi- 
grants or  investors.  The  problem  of  Latin-America 
and,  in  large  part,  that  of  the  United  States,  con- 
sists in  finding  out  how  it  can  give  entrance  to  all 
foreign  activities  and  capital  without  placing  in 
danger  the  peace  and  stability  of  the  nation  and 
without  losing  its  national  characteristics.  It  is 
a rare  country  that  today  does  not  insist  that 
foreigners  shall  be  subject  to  the  laws  of  the 
country  in  respect  to  their  property  and  civil  state. 
There  have  been  discussions  concerning  this  in 
various  international  congresses,  suggesting  that 
the  foreigner  be  subject  to  all  the  laws  of  the 
country  in  which  he  lives;  but  in  reality  such  a 
doctrine  has  not  had  a constitutional  basis  until 
it  was  recently  expressed  in  the  new  Mexican 
I Constitution.  In  1915,  when  the  international 

I questions  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States 

j|  were  about  to  be  solved,  Carranza  said:  ‘Our 

* struggle  will  be  the  beginning  of  a universal  strug- 

I gle  which  will  mark  the  entrance  into  an  era  of 

.j  justice  with  the  establishment  of  the  principles  of 

il  respect  which  great  nations  should  have  for  small 

I nations.  All  the  exclusive  claims  and  privileges 

\ ought  to  be  abandoned  little  by  little.  The  indi- 

vidual who  goes  from  one  nation  to  another  ought 
to  subject  himself  to  the  consequences  of  his  own 


30 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


condition  and  not  to  have  more  guarantees  or 
more  rights  than  the  natives  of  that  country  have. 
True  justice  will  reign  on  the  earth  when  every 
citizen,  in  whatever  part  of  the  planet  he  is,  finds 
himself  within  his  own  nationality’.” 

Before  we  ever  considered  a League  of  Nations, 
the  Calvo  Doctrine  and  the  Drago  Doctrine, 
named  for  their  authors,  two  distinguished  South 
Americans,  had  received  favorable  consideration 
by  international  jurists. 

The  Drago  Doctrine,  which  may  be  said  to  be 
supplementary  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  was 
formulated,  as  is  well  kno\\Ti,  as  the  result  of  the 
coercive  action  taken  against  Venezuela  in  1902 
by  a number  of  European  powers.  The  cardinal 
principle  of  the  doctrine  is  that  public  debts  give 
no  right  to  armed  intervention  or  to  a material 
occupation  of  American  territory  by  a European 
power.  As  Oliveira  Lima  says,  in  his  book  on 
Pan -Americanism,  proof  that  this  doctrine  or 
policy  was  welcomed  by  the  world’s  authorities 
on  international  law  and  recognized  by  them  as  a 
principle  of  effective  and  real  value  in  the  life  of 
the  continent,  as  well  as  that  of  the  world  in 
general,  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  theories 
formulated  by  Dr.  Drago  were  accepted,  with 
very  slight  modifications,  by  the  International 
Peace  Conference  at  the  Hague. 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  31 


The  Calvo  Doctrine,  called  after  its  author,  is 
referred  to  by  John  Bassett  Moore  as  a most 
important  development  of  international  law.  This 
doctrine  denies  the  responsibility  of  governments 
for  losses  and  injuries  experienced  by  foreigners  in 
times  of  internal  disturbances  or  of  civil  war. 

Has  the  League  of  Nations  helped  at  all  to 
clear  up  this  matter  of  our  intervention  in  the 
small  states  to  the  South? 

Latin-Americans  were  very  much  in  hope  that 
the  League  would  solve  the  problems  of  the 
relations  between  them  and  the  United  States. 
At  first  there  was  practical  unanimity  in  favor  of 
the  League  in  every  one  of  the  southern  republics. 
It  seemed  to  offer  a way  out  of  the  embarrassing 
contradiction — as  it  seemed  at  least  to  many  of 
them — between  Pan- Americanism  and  the  Monroe 
Doctrine.  Now  Latin-America  has  no  objection 
to  the  Monroe  Doctrine  if  it  means  simply  that 
Europe  is  not  to  meddle  in  American  affairs.  But 
they  fear  that  it  means,  as  they  can  amply  demon- 
strate by  extended  quotations  from  North  Ameri- 
cans that  it  does,  that  the  United  States  retains  to 
itself  the  right  of  controlling  this  continent. 

As  President  Lowell  says:'* 

“According  to  that  view  Central  and  South 
America  are  a game  preserve,  from  which  poachers 

* World  Peace  Foundation,  “League  of  Nations  Series,”  Vol.  II 
No.  2. 


32 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


are  excluded,  but  where  the  proprietor  may  hunt 
as  he  pleases.  Naturally  the  proprietor  is  anxious 
not  only  to  keep  away  the  poachers  but  to  oppose 
game  laws  that  would  interfere  with  his  owm 
sport.  With  their  professed  principles  about 
protecting  the  integrity  and  independence  of 
small  countries,  the  nations  that  have  drawn  up 
the  Covenant  of  Paris  can  hardly  consent  to  a 
claim  of  this  kind.  Nor  ought  we  to  demand  it.  A 
suspicion  that  this  is  the  real  meaning  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  is  the  specter  that  has  prevented 
the  great  South  American  states  from  accepting 
the  doctrine.  It  has  been  the  chief  obstacle  to 
mutual  confidence  and  cordial  relations  with  them, 
and  the  sooner  it  is  definitely  rejected  the  better. 

Some  Americans,  while  professing  a faith  in  the 
right  of  all  peoples  to  independence  and  self- 
government,  are  really  imperialists  at  heart. 
They  believe  in  the  right  and  manifest  destiny  of 
the  United  States  to  expand  by  overrunning  its 
weaker  neighbors.  They  appeal  to  a spirit  of 
patriotism  that  sees  no  object,  holds  no  ideals,  and 
acknowledges  no  rights  or  duties,  but  the  national 
welfare  and  aggrandizement.  In  the  name  of  that 
principle  Germany  sinned  and  fell.  The  ideas  of 
these  American  imperialists  are  less  grandiose,  but 
at  bottom  they  differ  little  from  hers.  It  would  be 
a calamity  if  we  should  have  helped  to  overcome 
Germany  only  to  be  conquered  by  her  theories 
and  her  errors.” 

The  insistence  of  the  United  States  that  the 
League  of  Nations  recognize  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
will,  in  my  judgment,  lose  us  the  opportunity  .of 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  33 


proving  to  Latin  - America  that  that  Doctrine 
means  now  only  what  it  did  originally,  the  exclu- 
sion of  Europe  from  America,  with  the  understand- 
ing which  John  Quincy  Adams,  the  probable 
author,  put  upon  it : 

“Consider  the  South  American  nations  as  inde- 
pendent; they  themselves  and  no  other  nation 
have  the  right  to  determine  their  own  conditions. 
We  have  no  right  to  dispose  of  them,  neither  alone 
nor  in  combination  with  others.  Nor  has  any 
other  nation  any  right  to  dispose  of  them  without 
their  own  consent.” 

The  other  day  when  Mexico  was  reported  as 
saying  she  did  not  accept  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
the  comment  often  heard  in  this  country  was, 
“She  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 
It  is  impertinent  for  her  to  say  anything  about  a 
purely  American  doctrine.”  True,  if  it  is  inter- 
preted in  one  way;  but  she,  and  Chile,  and  Colom- 
bia, and  Nicaragua,  and  other  countries  and 
countless  individual  Latin-Americans  believe — 
and  we  must  not  forget  that  they  sustain  this 
contention  by  quotations  from  our  own  authorities 
— that  it  means  not  “America  for  the  Americans” 
but  “America  for  the  North  Americans,”  giving 
the  United  States  the  privilege  of  dictating  the 
policies  of  all  other  American  countries.  With 
this  interpretation,  Mexico  has  as  much  right  to 
be  interested  in  the  Doctrine  as  I have  in  my 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


34 

neighbor’s  doctrine  that  my  property  is  for  his 
service. 

There  will  no  doubt  be  a pretty  universal 
disappointment  among  Latin-Americans  because 
of  the  adoption  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  amend- 
ment to  the  League  Covenant.  This  might 
have  been  mitigated  if  a declaration  had  been 
made  that  would  have  excluded  the  sinister 
interpretation  referred  to. 

The  necessity  of  doing  something  to  clear  up 
the  meaning  of  the  Doctrine  has  been  recognized 
by  President  Wilson  for  some  time.  In  an  address 
to  the  Pan-American  Scientific  Congress  in  Wash- 
ington, January  6,  1916,  he  said: 

“The  Monroe  Doctrine  was  proclaimed  by  the 
United  States  on  her  own  authority.  It  has 
always  been  maintained,  and  always  will  be 
maintained,  upon  her  own  responsibility.  But  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  demanded  merely  that  European 
governments  should  not  attempt  to  extend  their 
political  systems  to  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  It 
did  not  disclose  the  use  which  the  United  States 
intended  to  make  of  her  power  on  this  side  of  the 
Atlantic.  It  was  a hand  held  up  in  warning,  but 
there  was  no  promise  in  it  of  what  America  was 
going  to  do  with  the  implied  and  partial  protec- 
torate which  she  apparently  was  trying  to  set  up 
on  this  side  of  the  water,  and  I believe  you  will 
sustain  me  in  the  statement  that  it  has  been  fears 
and  suspicions  on  this  score  which  have  hitherto 
prevented  the  greater  intimacy  and  confidence  and 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  35 

trust  between  the  Americas.  The  states  of 
America  have  not  been  certain  what  the  United 
States  would  do  with  her  power.  That  doubt 
must  be  removed.  And  latterly  there  has  been  a 
very  frank  interchange  of  views  between  the 
authorities  in  Washington  and  those  who  repre- 
sented the  other  states  of  this  hemisphere,  an 
interchange  of  views  charming  and  hopeful, 
because  based  upon  an  increasingly  sure  apprecia- 
tion of  the  spirit  in  which  they  were  undertaken. 
These  gentlemen  have  seen  that,  if  America  is  to 
come  into  her  own,  into  her  legitimate  own,  in  a 
world  of  peace  and  order,  she  must  establish  the 
foundations  of  amity,  so  that  no  one  will  hereafter 
doubt  them.” 

The  following  words  spoken  to  the  Mexican 
editors  at  the  White  House,  June  7,  1918,  give  us 
a yet  clearer  idea  of  the  President’s  thought  in 
the  matter: 

“Gentlemen,  I have  never  received  a group  of 
men  who  were  more  welcome  than  you  are,  because 
it  has  been  one  of  my  distresses  during  the  period 
of  my  Presidency  that  the  Mexican  people  did  not 
more  thoroughly  understand  the  attitude  of  the 
United  States  toward  Mexico.  I think  I can  assure 
you,  and  I hope  you  have  had  every  evidence  of 
the  truth  of  my  assurance,  that  that  attitude  is 
one  of  sincere  friendship.  And  not  merely  the 
sort  of  friendship  which  prompts  one  not  to  do 
his  neighbor  any  harm,  but  the  sort  of  friendship 
which  earnestly  desires  to  do  his  neighbor  ser- 
vice. . . . 


36 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


Some  of  us,  if  I may  say  so  privately,  look  back 
with  regret  upon  some  of  the  more  ancient  relations 
that  we  have  had  with  Mexico  long  before  our 
generation;  and  America,  if  I may  so  express  it, 
would  now  feel  ashamed  to  take  advantage  of  a 
neighbor.  So  I hope  that  you  can  carry  back  to 
your  homes  something  better  than  the  assurances 
of  words.  You  have  had  contact  with  our  people. 
You  know  your  own  personal  reception.  You  know 
how  gladly  we  have  opened  to  you  the  doors  of 
every  establishment  that  you  wanted  to  see  and 
have  shown  you  just  what  we  were  doing,  and  I 
hope  you  have  gained  the  right  impression  as  to 
why  we  were  doing  it.  We  are  doing  it,  gentlemen, 
so  that  the  world  may  never  hereafter  have  to  fear 
the  only  thing  that  any  nation  has  to  dread,  the 
unjust  and  selfish  aggression  of  another  nation. 
Some  time  ago,  as  you  probably  all  know,  I pro- 
posed a sort  of  Pan-American  agreement.  I had 
perceived  that  one  of  the  difficulties  of  our  rela- 
tionship with  Latin-America  was  this;  The 
famous  Monroe  Doctrine  was  adopted  without 
your  consent,  without  the  consent  of  any  of  the 
Central  or  South  American  states. 

If  I may  express  it  in  the  terms  that  we  so  often 
use  in  this  country,  we  said,  ‘We  are  going  to  be 
your  big  brother,  whether  you  want  us  to  be  or 
not’.  We  did  not  ask  whether  it  was  agreeable  to 
you  that  we  should  be  your  big  brother.  We  said 
we  were  going  to  be.  Now,  that  was  all  very  well 
so  far  as  protecting  you  from  aggression  from  the 
other  side  of  the  water  was  concerned,  but  there 
was  nothing  in  it  that  protected  you  from  aggres- 
sion from  us,  and  I have  repeatedly  seen  the  uneasy 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  37 


feeling  on  the  part  of  representatives  of  the  states 
of  Central  and  South  America  that  our  self- 
appointed  protection  might  be  for  our  own  benefit 
and  our  own  interests  and  not  for  the  interest  of 
our  neighbors.  So  I said,  ‘Very  well,  let  us  make 
an  arrangement  by  which  we  will  give  bond.  Let 
us  have  a common  guarantee,  that  all  of  us  will 
sign,  of  political  independence  and  territorial 
integrity.  Let  us  agree  that  if  any  one  of  us, 
the  United  States  included,  violates  the  political 
independence  or  the  territorial  integrity  of  any  of 
the  others,  all  the  others  will  jump  on  her’.  I 
pointed  out  to  some  of  the  gentlemen  who  were 
less  inclined  to  enter  into  this  arrangement  than 
others  that  that  was  in  effect  giving  bonds  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States,  that  we  would  enter 
into  an  arrangement  by  which  you  would  be  pro- 
tected by  us.  . . . 

Peace  can  come  only  by  trust.  As  long  as  there 
is  suspicion  there  is  going  to  be  misunderstanding, 
and  as  long  as  there  is  misunderstanding  there  is 
going  to  be  trouble.  If  you  can  once  get  a situa- 
tion of  trust,  then  you  have  got  a situation  of 
permanent  peace.  Therefore,  every  one  of  us,  it 
seems  to  me,  owes  it  as  a patriotic  duty  to  his  own 
country  to  plant  the  seeds  of  trust  and  of  confi- 
dence instead  of  the  seeds  of  suspicion  and  variety 
of  interest.” 

It  is  devoutly  to  be  hoped  that  the  President, 
who  Is  the  prime  mover  In  the  establishment  of 
the  League  of  Nations,  has  in  mind  some  plan 
along  the  line  suggested  to  the  editors  that  can  be 
put  into  operation  very  soon.  In  order  to  counteract 


38 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


the  unfortunate  interpretation  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  again  made  prominent  by  the  insistence 
of  the  United  States  that  special  mention  of  the 
Doctrine  should  be  made  in  the  League  Covenant. 
This  should  be  done  quickly.  There  has  been 
shown  in  the  last  few  months  in  Mexico  a more 
general  desire  for  friendship  with  the  United 
States  than  I have  ever  known  before.  It  is  the 
most  encouraging  thing  I found  in  my  last  trip 
to  the  Republic,  and  should  be  quickly  turned  to 
advantage.  It  is  well  summarized  in  the  following 
article  translated  from  El  Universal,  one  of  the 
leading  dailies  of  Mexico  City: 

“The  United  States  and  Mexico  have  passed 
through  large  and  painful  difficulties,  largely  on 
account  of  the  internal  situation  in  the  last-named 
nation.  The  United  States  has  not  been  able  to 
appreciate  sufficiently  the  Mexican  crisis,  not 
attributing  it  to  causes  of  a general  order,  to  a just 
desire  of  the  people  to  recover  their  liberty,  but  to 
a supposed  desire  of  ambitious  persons,  to  foreign 
intrigues,  to  a disorderly  spirit.  It  is  the  same  old 
question.  Although  separated  by  short  distances, 
Saxon-America  and  Latin-America  understand 
each  other  with  great  difficulty,  because  of  the 
influence  of  their  two  distinct  psychologies.  It  is 
sad  to  affirm,  but  it  is  strictly  true,  that  when  a 
North  American  statesman  or  functionary  speaks 
of  public  questions  in  the  Latin-American  repub- 
lics he  assumes  an  astute  attitude,  and  when  the 
leaders  of  the  states  of  the  south  speak  of  the 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  39 

United  States  they  take  upon  themselves  an 
expression  of  jealousy.  Mexico  and  the  United 
States  are  found  in  this  situation  in  the  most 
critical  form.  History  justifies  this  condition,  but 
in  this  moment  it  is  necessary  to  change,  to  take  a 
new  road  toward  harmony.  Statesmen  can  not  be 
poets,  living  eternally  in  paradise,  or  in  the  remem- 
brance of  the  beautiful  old  days.  Governors  must 
think  of  the  future  and  of  the  happiness  of  the 
people  whom  they  govern.  The  moment  for  a 
solution  of  this  question  is  now,  when  the  United 
States  has  placed  itself  at  the  head  of  the  humani- 
tarian movement  to  create  the  society  of  nations, 
when  the  North  American  spirit  denies  itself  all 
idea  of  conquest  and  fixes  the  principle  that  public 
and  private  morality  ought  to  be  ruled  by  the 
same  laws,  when  Wilson  goes  to  Europe,  breaking 
every  precedent  of  American  politics  followed  from 
the  time  of  Washington,  in  order  to  preach  there 
the  ideas  of  social  justice  applied  to  international 
law,  which  until  today  seemed  a subject  not  to  be 
submitted  to  laws  of  order  and  right. 

Between  the  United  States  and  Mexico  there 
are  two  great  problems — one  of  frontiers,  and  the 
other  of  a civil  order  referring  to  foreign  fortunes 
invested  in  Mexico.  The  first  has  been  settled  up 
to  the  present  time  with  good  judgment  on  the 
part  of  both.  Much  more  difficult  do  we  find  the 
second,  which  refers  to  the  foreign  interests  in 
Mexico.  A foreign  government  can  not  pretend 
that  its  citizens  should  have  better  treatment  than 
the  natives,  nor  that  they  should  not  pay  propor- 
tionately their  part  of  the  taxes,  nor  that  they 
should  not  obey  the  law.  On  the  other  hand,  a 


40 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


national  government  can  not  refuse  proper  pro- 
tection to  the  lives  and  the  interests  of  other 
nations,  much  less  can  it  violate  those  interests  by 
unjust  and  confiscatory  laws.  Evidently  these 
general  principles  encounter  great  difficulties  in 
practice,  but  if  those  governing  the  two  countries 
are  men  who  understand  these  precepts  and  desire 
to  practice  them,  such  difficulties  will  be  reduced  to 
a very  small  minimum. 

The  good  faith,  the  honor  of  governments  will 
solve  problems  which  legal  formulas  can  not  solve 
and  never  will  be  able  to  solve.  If  in  Mexico  and 
in  the  United  States  there  are  reciprocal  preju- 
dices, it  will  be  difficult  to  solve  the  problems  aris- 
ing from  their  close  proximity;  but  if,  on  the 
contrary,  there  is  established  a current  of  sympa- 
thy, all  will  be  easy,  even  the  gravest  problem. 
The  actual  situation,  full  of  resentment  and 
jealousies,  practically  all  of  which  are  unjustified, 
is  irrational.  The  United  States  and  Mexico  will 
do  well  to  convince  each  other  that,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  Mexicans  are  a people  worthy  of  modern 
civilization,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the 
United  States  does  not  care  to  conquer  territory  in 
Mexico.  When  the  one  has  understood  the  first, 
and  the  other  the  second,  they  will  both  live  in 
better  understanding,  the  United  States  being 
satisfied  to  have  so  close  to  it  one  of  the  richest 
nations  in  the  world,  and  the  Mexicans  content  to 
receive  the  influence  of  the  most  progressive  and 
just  of  all  nations.” 

In  this  chapter  I have  tried  simply  to  open  up 
the  whole  question  of  our  relations  to  a sick  and 


VARIOUS  ASPECTS  OF  THE  PROBLEM  41 

suffering  neighbor.  I recognize  fully  that  the 
problem  is  a complicated  one.  I do  not  claim 
that  my  judgments  are  altogether  correct,  but  I 
want  to  help  my  fellow-Americans  to  understand 
something  of  the  way  the  Mexicans  feel  about  it. 

Our  understanding  of  the  problem  is  complicated, 
I repeat,  by  our  lack  of  knowledge  of  the  history 
and  geography  of  Mexico  and  of  her  internal  politi- 
cal currents,  by  the  difference  between  Anglo- 
Saxon  and  Latin  psychology,  by  the  difficulty  of 
separating  the  question  from  our  own  political  and 
economic  life,  and  by  the  false  reports  which  we 
get  through  the  press. 

Notwithstanding  all  these  difficulties  in  under- 
standing the  subject,  there  is  yet  a wide  demand 
that  we  undertake  the  settling  of  these  questions 
by  a military  occupation  of  the  country.  This 
talk  about  intervention  causes  serious  difficulties 
in  Mexico,  in  all  Latin-America,  and  in  the 
United  States.  Since  we  are  just  emerging  from  a 
world  war,  fought  for  the  rights  of  small  nations, 
the  question  arises  as  to  whether  in  the  new  day 
we  shall  still  follow  the  old  doctrine  of  intervention 
to  protect  property.  Latin-Americans  believe 
that  foreigners  should  have  the  same  protection  as 
nationals,  but  no  more.  The  help  the  League  of 
Nations  promised  to  give  will  probably  be  limited 
somewhat  by  the  introduction  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  clause,  which  will  be  inclined  to  restore 


42 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


the  old  suspicions  Latin-Americans  had  of  the 
United  States.  President  Wilson  has  told  the 
Mexicans  that  he  desires  tliat  all  American 
nations  shall  have  the  same  rights  and  privileges, 
and  a Mexican  editor,  expressing  feeling  general 
among  his  people,  desires  a settlement  of  differ- 
ences between  the  two  countries  and  a mutual 
friendship  and  respect. 

We  will  consider  more  fully  in  the  last  chapter 
some  of  the  ways  in  which  the  United  States 
might  help  Mexico  to  solve  her  problems.  At  this 
stage  in  our  discussion  let  us  simply  make  our  own 
the  words  inscribed  on  the  walls  of  the  building  of 
the  Pan-American  Union  in  Washington:  “God 

has  made  us  neighbors.  Let  justice  make  us 
friends.” 


CHAPTER  II 


IS  THE  PRESENT  DISTURBANCE  IN 
MEXICO  A REAL  REVOLUTION? 

I saw  a cartoon  the  other  day  that  represented 
beautiful  Miss  Liberty  giving  a lecture  to  a 
desperado,  who,  as  he  flourished  a revolver, 
seemed  to  be  trying  to  make  out  who  the  young 
lady  was.  On  the  brim  of  his  large  sombrero  was 
written  “Mexico,”  and  he  was  saying  “No  Com- 
prendo.”  The  disturbed  conditions  south  of  the 
Rio  Grande  are  proving  only  too  clearly  that 
indeed  he  does  not  understand.  The  deep  truths 
of  democracy  are  yet  beyond  his  ken.  He  has  not 
learned  how  to  accept  defeat  with  grace,  to  discuss 
issues  without  personalities,  to  confide  in  his 
fellowman,  to  unite  factions  for  the  common  good. 
He  has  not  learned  to  go  two  miles  with  the  man 
who  compels  him  to  go  one;  that  the  man  who 
hears  and  does  is  the  man  whose  house  stands; 
that  before  the  tower  is  built  one  must  sit  down 
and  count  the  cost;  that  he  who  puts  his  hand  to 
the  plough  must  not  look  back;  that  only  he  who 
loses  his  life  shall  find  it  again. 

All  this  we  must  candidly  admit.  But  whose 
fault  is  it  that  he  does  not  know  these  things? 


44 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


His  own?  The  Mexican  leams  when  he  has  a 
chance.  But  collectively  he  has  never  had  a 
chance.  His  “No  Comprendo,”  far  from  being  the 
flippant  response  of  a don’t-care,  the  subject  for 
the  funny  column  of  a new^spaper,  is  really  the 
wail  of  a neglected  soul,  rent  with  grief  and 
passion,  who  finds  no  one  to  explain  to  him  the 
deep  mysteries  of  life. 

In  the  first  place,  the  Mexicans  are  a dislocated 
people.  When  Spain  established  herself  in  the 
country  the  respective  tribes  occupied  a definite 
place  in  social  evolution.  They  had  a well  organ- 
ized religion,  agricultural  system,  and  government. 
These  three  indispensable  items  of  normal  develop- 
ment were  wholly  disrupted  by  the  Spaniards,  who 
endeavored  by  force  of  arms  to  substitute  in 
their  place  an  exotic  feudalism.  The  Indians  were 
left  without  any  incentive  to  conform  to  the  new 
system,  and  kept  from  any  sort  of  knowledge  or 
freedom  to  acquire  any  sense  of  their  new  social 
environment.  And  up  to  this  day  this  confusion 
of  social  organization  exists  and  opposes  progress. 

In  the  second  place,  the  Mexicans  are  an 
exploited  people.  The  land  baron  and  the  priest 
have  continued  their  unholy  alliance  from  the 
days  of  the  Conquistadores  till  the  present, 
playing  alternately  the  one  into  the  hands  of  the 
other,  to  keep  the  people  in  ignorance,  superstition, 
and  debt,  so  that  the  exploitation,  both  by  padre 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


45 


and  arm,  would  be  sure  and  easy.  Foreign 
capitalists,  with  their  immense  concessions,  have 
usually  been  willing  to  join  the  system  of  exploita- 
tion. And  the  unestimated  resources  of  the 
country,  along  with  its  people,  have  been  made 
to  pay  tribute  down  through  the  years  to  these 
privileged  classes.  And  yet  we  seem  to  be  as- 
tounded at  the  “horrible  atrocities,  disgraceful  to 
all  civilization,”  witnessed  today  in  Mexico,  and 
cry  out  in  the  name  of  humanity  for  them  to  be 
stopped.  It  would  seem,  rather,  that  we  ought  to 
rejoice  that  the  people  have  finally  gathered 
strength  enough  to  protest  against  their  wrongs. 
Historically,  the  Mexicans  are  a hard-working, 
land-loving,  peaceable  people. 

“Current  impression  that  they  are  given  to 
revolt  as  sparks  fly  upward  fails  to  realize  what  a 
large  part  hunger,  homelessness,  low  wages,  and 
lack  of  confidence  play  in  men’s  willingness  or  un- 
willingness to  fight.  Personally,  those  to  whom  the 
republic  is  dear  fear  that  they  will  stop  fighting 
too  soon — as  soon  as  they  are  eased  of  their 
intolerable  discomfort.  When  General  Blanco, 
after  the  earlier  victories,  began  parceling  out  the 
land,  most  of  those  who  were  fortunate  to  get  a 
piece  of  it  resigned  from  the  army.  Prosperity 
never  made  any  people  warlike.  It  only  makes  it 
possible,  when  they  do  fight,  to  go  on  fighting 
longer.  But  when  any  people  has  actually  more  to 
hope  for  from  war — more  things  to  eat,  more  to 
look  forward  to  and  live  for — then  revolution 


46 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


may  become  a habit.  For  a long  time  Mexico 
has  been  in  that  condition.  Her  short,  sporadic 
revolts  are  simply  the  index  of  the  desperation  of 
the  people  and  the  short  shift  of  their  supplies. 
Because  they  are  fighting  for  relief  they  snatch  up 
any  leader  that  comes  handy,  Zapata,  Madero, 
Villa,  just  as  the  French  peasants  caught  up 
bill-hooks  and  scythes  when  no  better  weapons 
were  to  be  had.”  ^ 

In  the  third  place,  the  Mexicans,  as  a backrv\^ard 
race,  are  suffering  from  being  brought  into  forcible 
contact  with  more  advanced  peoples.  The  Span- 
iards, advanced  in  the  arts  of  war,  with  a few 
hundred  men  and  horses  and  guns,  so  astounded 
the  Aztecs  that  they  were  utterly  confused  and  a 
few  Spaniards  were  able  to  conquer  and  rule 
millions  of  Indians.  The  aborigines  were  at  such  a 
disadvantage  that  they  made  no  endeavor  to 
resist  their  powerful  masters,  but  lived  in  practical 
serfdom.  After  three  hundred  years  they  were 
again  brought  into  violent  contact  with  another 
more  advanced  group,  the  Creole  leaders,  who, 
struggling  for  political  supremacy  against  one 
another,  compelled  the  poor  people  to  fight  “for 
liberty”  so-called.  But  the  only  result  was  that 
again  the  peon  suffered  the  shock  of  violent 
contact  with  a superior  force,  with  all  its  evils,  but 
with  no  one  to  teach  him  any  of  the  real  signifi- 
cance of  the  continuous  struggle  between  central- 
ists and  federalists,  clericals  and  liberals,  and  the 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


47 


hundred  other  factions  which  compelled  him 
ignorantly  to  fight  for  them  from  the  time  of 
Hidalgo  down  to  Diaz. 

When  these  political  struggles  finally  left  the 
Mexican  in  peace  under  Diaz,  then,  still  in  his 
ignorance  of  past  centuries,  he  was  put  into 
violent  contact  with  what  is  probably  the  most 
baffling  of  all  superior  forces — modem  capital. 
Just  as  the  Spaniard  told  him  he  would  be  im- 
proved by  his  new  contacts  and  made  over  by 
superior  gods,  and  the  caudillo  insisted  that  the 
new  doctrine  of  rights  and  liberties  would  give 
him  the  longed-for  haven,  so  the  modem  capitalist 
comes  to  promise  him  a complete  salvation.  But 
neither  his  religious,  his  political,  nor  his  economic 
saviour  has  ever  stopped  to  teach  him  anything  of 
the  principles  involved  in  the  new  advanced  life 
into  which  he  is  forcibly  injected. 

So  the  Mexican  has  had  no  man  to  guide  him. 
Education  and  self-expression  have  been  denied 
him  for  four  hundred  years  since  the  white  man 
first  set  foot  upon  his  soil.  Let  us  take  a rapid 
glance  at  these  years.  The  names  of  four  men — 
Cortez,  Hidalgo,  Juarez,  Diaz — with  the  gaps 
filled  in  by  political  oppression  and  revolution  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  constant  intrigues  of  the 
priests  to  keep  the  people  in  ignorance  on  the 
other — these  make  up  Mexico’s  history.  Cortez, 
who  conquered  the  aborigines  in  1520,  was  one 


48 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


of  the  most  astute  and  unprincipled  adventurers 
the  world  has  ever  known.  Accompanying  him 
were  a band  of  priests.  The  natives  were  com- 
pelled to  bow  to  the  Spanish  king  and  the  pope 
at  the  same  time.  “Christianity,  instead  of  ful- 
filling its  mission  of  converting  and  sanctifying, 
was  itself  converted.  Paganism  was  baptized. 
Christianity  was  paganized.”  The  people  lived 
in  practical  slavery  for  three  hundred  years. 
On  September  i6,  i8io,  Miguel  Hidalgo  raised 
the  cry  of  revolt  against  this  terrible  oppression. 
But  his  love  of  liberty  was  not  accompanied  by  a 
genius  for  leadership,  and  soon  he  and  his  fellow- 
leaders  were  captured  and  shot.  Then  followed  a 
continuous  revolution  for  fifty  years,  in  which 
IVIexico’s  independence  from  Spain  was  gained 
only  to  be  lost  in  strife  between  her  own  unprin- 
cipled leaders. 

Out  of  this  carnage  of  blood  and  disorder 
appeared  one  of  the  greatest  men  ever  produced 
by  the  Americas.  Benito  Juarez  laid  the  ax  at 
the  very  root  of  the  tree.  He  saw  that  his  country 
could  never  have  political  liberty  until  it  had 
religious  liberty.  He  confiscated  large  amounts  of 
church  property,  separated  completely  church  and 
state,  repelled  the  French  invasion,  and  was 
about  to  establish  a scries  of  reforms  and  an 
educational  system  for  which  the  people  had 
waited  all  these  centuries,  when  he  was  suddenly 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


49 


cut  off  by  death.  Fresh  struggles  for  the  presi- 
dential chair  finally  resulted  in  its  occupancy  by 
Porfirio  Diaz,  who  retained  it  from  1876  till  1911, 
with  the  exception  of  four  years.  His  strong  hand 
forced  peace  and  brought  about  marvelous  mater- 
ial progress.  But  free  speech  was  still  repressed, 
and  while  a few  more  people  learned  to  read,  they 
must  still  reply  in  large  measure  to  the  ancient 
question,  “Understandest  thou  what  thou  readest?” 
with  the  wail,  “How  can  I,  except  some  one  shall 
guide  me?” 

Is  it  any  wonder,  when  the  country  was  so 
suddenly  changed  from  a despotism  to  a democ- 
racy by  the  Madero  revolution,  that  it  has  been 
impossible  to  keep  down  disturbances?  The 
change  was  needed,  but  it  was  too  sudden.  A 
period  of  trial  and  stress  must  be  passed  through. 
History  emphasizes  this  to  us  repeatedly.  Think 
of  the  long,  dark  days  of  the  reconstruction  period 
after  our  own  Civil  War,  Yet  we  began  learning 
our  lessons  in  democracy  in  I2ij,  when  King 
John  granted  the  Magna  Charta. 

If  there  were  ever  a time  when  we  should  be 
able  to  see  the  dangers  of  pharisaical  condemna- 
tion of  Mexico  for  her  disorder,  it  is  now.  We 
have  just  fought  a war  for  making  the  world 
safe  for  democracy,  and  won.  Yet  the  world  in 
all  its  history  has  never  known  such  a chaotic 
condition  as  exists  today  in  practically  every  part 


50 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


of  the  globe.  Mexico  is  far  quieter  today,  life  is 
safer,  food  is  more  plentiful,  business  is  more 
sound,  the  government  more  secure  than  in 
Russia,  Austria,  Hungary,  Germany,  Turkey, 
the  Balkans,  Syria,  Korea,  and  other  disturbed 
parts  of  the  world.  China  began  her  revolution 
against  the  Manchu  d>masty  at  about  the  same 
time  Mexico  began  hers  against  Diaz,  and  took 
about  the  same  time  to  overthrow  the  reactionary 
government.  Her  revolution  has  continued  be- 
tween the  northern  and  southern  sections,  just 
as  Mexico’s  has,  but,  instead  of  quieting  dowm  as 
in  Mexico,  the  struggle  today  is  worse  than  ever. 
As  with  Mexico,  her  next-door  neighbor  has 
wanted  to  intervene.  But  the  United  States  has 
continually  opposed  such  action,  insisting  that 
the  territorial  integrity  and  sovereignty  of  China, 
with  her  right  to  work  out  her  own  problems,  must 
be  maintained. 

The  present  upset  condition  of  the  world  should 
help  us  to  recall  what  periods  of  reconstruction 
have  always  been.  What  sovereign  country  today 
has  not  had  a period  of  civil  war  and  reconstruc- 
tion, during  which  foreigners  have  suffered,  along 
with  nationals,  the  destruction  of  millions  of 
dollars  of  property  and  hundreds  of  lives?  Yet 
when  fundamental  wrongs  existed,  that  stood 
squarely  in  the  way  of  progress  and  could  be 
removed  only  by  war,  then  war  it  was,  and 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


51 


foreigners  had  to  be  crucified  with  citizens,  and 
all  go  down  into  hades  that  the  resurrection  of  the 
nation  might  come. 

The  United  States  arrived  at  a time  when  it 
could  not  exist  half  free,  half  slave.  This  country 
was  not  only  on  a false  economic  basis,  but  on  a 
false  moral  basis.  Slavery  gave  the  lie  to  our 
constitution,  as  slave  labor  gave  the  death  blow 
to  competitive  free  labor.  All  our  great  resources 
have  been  developed,  our  big  business  created,  our 
moral  leadership  in  the  world  gained,  since 
the  slavery  question  was  settled.  The  capital 
lost  in  that  struggle,  both  by  foreigners  and 
nationals,  has  been  regained  a thousand  fold,  and 
the  country  has  been  put  on  a basis  of  permanent 
peace  which  guarantees  continuous  progress.  But 
this  could  not  be  seen  for  a long  time.  Following 
Sherman’s  march  to  the  sea,  and  a hundred  other 
military  expeditions  that  crushed  the  life  out  of 
the  South  and  subjected  innocent  women  and 
children  and  foreigners  to  unmentionable  horrors, 
there  came  the  terrible  years  of  reconstruction. 
Liberated  Negro  slaves,  led  by  white  politicians, 
over-ran  entire  communities.  Churches  and 
schools  were  destroyed,  and  social  life  of  all 
kinds  was  disrupted.  Plunder,  robbery,  and  rape 
were  common.  These  conditions  lasted  for  years 
in  many  communities.  Gangs  of  train  robbers 


52 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


like  the  James  boys  terrorized  the  unsettled  West 
for  more  than  a decade. 

A half  century  after  our  own  experience,  Mexico 
is  repeating  it.  At  least  she  has  begun  it,  but 
things  move  more  slowly  there,  and  we  may 
well  expect  it  to  require  a good  deal  more  time. 
By  the  brilliant  light  of  the  twentieth  century, 
Mexico  was  revealed  to  herself  as  holding  on  to 
an  old  feudal  system.  Outside  of  a few  hundred 
thousand  privileged  classes  and  the  three  to  five 
million  pure  Indians,  the  whole  population  was 
in  economic  and  practically  legal  slavery.  Her 
political  constitution  was  made  a lie.  Both  her 
false  economic  foundation  and  her  moral  basis 
had  to  be  changed.  The  issues  involved  have  not 
always  been  clear-cut,  as  they  were  in  our  struggle. 
The  individualistic  Latin  naturally  follows  leaders 
rather  than  parties.  Furthermore,  the  original 
issue  both  of  slavery  and  of  constitution  was 
immeasurably  more  complicated  with  the  Mexican. 
But  there  have  persisted  pretty  clearly  all  through 
the  struggle  these  two  ideals — economic  freedom 
and  enforcement  of  the  constitution.  Each  of 
these  two  principles  has  generally  been  expressed 
in  a twofold  way,  with  the  following  four  points 
most  often  mentioned  as  the  principles  for  which 
the  revolution  was  contending : 

I.  Breaking  up  of  great  landed  estates  for 
benefit  of  common  people. 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


53 


2.  Readjustment  of  taxes. 

3.  Right  of  suffrage. 

4.  Elimination  of  the  political  power  of  the 
church. 

Both  the  economic  and  the  moral  principle  in  a 
broad  way  have  now  been  won.  No  more  peons 
are  held  for  debt,  nor  do  they  work  for  dos  reales 
diarios  (two  reales  a day).  The  constitution  is  at 
least  observed  in  that  there  are  free  elections  in 
the  greater  part  of  Mexican  territory.  Mexico  is 
now  in  the  period  of  reconstruction.  Villa  is 
proving  as  difficult  for  the  Mexican  Government 
to  catch  as  the  James  boys  were  for  us.  Raids  on 
ranches  and  out-of-the-way  towns  and  attacks  on 
trains  are  almost  as  frequent  as  they  were  in  our 
western  towns  in  the  ’70’s  and  ’8o’s.  But  Zapata 
is  gone.  Blanquet  is  dead.  Felix  Diaz  counts 
only  in  the  minds  of  a few  press  agents.  Carranza 
controls  all  state  capitals  at  the  time  that  this  is 
written,  as  well  as  every  town  of  over  5,000  people 
in  the  Republic. 

But  our  interest  is  not  so  much  in  Carranza  or 
any  other  individual,  providing  we  can  feel  that 
there  has  been  a real  social  revolution  in  Mexico, 
and  that  the  country  is  on  an  upgrade  to  a demo- 
cratic life.  Even  if  that  road  does  seem  a long, 
hard  one,  requiring  many  years  to  climb,  the 
people  of  the  outside  world  would  be  willing  to 
stand  firm  against  the  interv^entionists,  if  it 


54 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


could  be  showTi  that  Mexico  had  not  forfeited 
her  sovereign  right  to  settle  her  own  affairs  in  the 
way  most  likely  to  bring  permanent  results. 
International  law  has  always  allowed  civil  war 
without  interference,  unless  it  is  waged  with 
unrestrained  irresponsibility,  and  without  any 
seeming  fundamental  principles  at  issue.  As  Pro- 
fessor Wells,  of  Clark  College,  says; 

“Mexico  undeniably  presents  the  basic  condi- 
tions without  which  a struggle  should  not  be 
viewed  as  a true  civil  war,  namely,  the  existence 
of  issues  which  are  of  vital  concern  to  the  people; 
and  the  abuses  which  give  rise  to  them  have  been 
so  tyrannical  as  to  justify  a revolution  in  the 
government,  and,  if  necessary  to  that  end,  a 
violent  purging  of  the  nation.  The  revolt  on  these 
issues  is  under  the  guidance  of  leaders,  civil  and 
military,  representing  nearly  all  grades  of  society 
and  many  walks  of  life.  They  include  men  of 
character,  who  typify  the  most  substantial  prod- 
ucts of  Mexican  civilization.”* 

Let  us  look  at  a few  of  the  changes  that  have 
been  wrought  already  by  the  Revolution.  They 
may  be  seen  in  politics,  in  economic  and  social 
conditions,  and  in  educational  matters. 

The  jeje  politico  was  one  of  the  most  despicable 
individuals  in  the  Diaz  regime.  He  had  no  standing 

* Annals  of  American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science, 
Vol.  54. 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


55 


in  the  constitution,  but  practically  he  was  the  most 
important  ofhcial  in  any  district.  Diaz  practically 
appointed  the  governors  of  the  different  states, 
and  the  governors  appointed  these  political  bosses 
for  the  various  districts.  They  represented  both 
the  President  and  the  Governor,  and  were  more 
powerful  than  any  regular  elective  official.  Army 
officers,  legislators,  presidents  of  municipalities, 
collectors  of  customs,  and  practically  all  the 
people  In  the  district  were  subject  to  these  jefes. 
Sometimes  these  men  were  appointed  after  they 
had  gained  great  power  and  understood  the 
machine  well.  Other  times  they  were  sent  to  out- 
of-the  way  districts  because  they  had  strong  per- 
sonalities and  would  be  able  to  “nip  In  the  bud” 
any  political  disturbances.  So  long  as  they  did 
this,  their  methods  were  not  likely  to  be  questioned. 

In  one  of  the  communities  where  I lived  the 
most  prominent  gentleman  of  the  town,  who 
owned  the  most  real  estate  and  who  controlled 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  acres  of  farming  land, 
was  called  “Colonel.”  After  several  years’  resi- 
dence I learned  how  this  title  came  to  him.  He 
was  sent  to  this  center  some  twenty  years  before 
as  jefe  politico.  He  organized  a band  of  ruffians 
who  would  ride  over  the  country  and  collect  herds 
of  sheep  and  cattle  for  him.  If  the  owner  of  a 
little  herd  of  cattle  saw  them  being  driven  away, 
and  demanded,  “Who  told  you  to  drive  these 


56 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


cattle  off?”  The  reply  would  be,  “The  Colonel.” 
If  the  owner  were  audacious  enough  to  go  into  the 
city  and  present  himself  before  the  authorities  to 
demand  that  this  gang  be  punished,  before  whom 
would  he  appear?  Why,  the  Colonel.  If  he 
insisted  on  demanding  his  rights,  he  would  be 
thrown  into  jail  and  kept  there  until  he  recognized 
the  Colonel’s  supremacy.  Thus  the  jefe  politico 
not  only  got  his  title  “The  Colonel”  but  amassed 
an  immense  fortune. 

When  the  revolutionists,  many  of  them  the 
very  same  men  who  had  been  robbed  by  the 
Colonel,  ten,  twenty,  or  thirty  years  before,  went 
into  his  beautiful  home  in  the  city  after  he  had 
abandoned  it  and  requisitioned  a few  desks  and 
beds  for  their  headquarters,  their  acts  were 
telegraphed  all  over  the  United  States  to  show  the 
barbarity  of  the  revolutionists. 

In  the  later  days  another  type  of  political 
boss  was  developed,  represented  by  a gentleman 
whom  I knew  very  well.  He  held  court  in  his  own 
office.  Every  official  in  the  community  paid  him 
so  much  to  hold  his  job.  He  controlled  the  licenses 
for  the  saloons  and  the  red  light  district,  he  levied 
heavy  taxes  on  all  kind  of  vice,  he  sold  gambling 
privileges  for  the  public  plaza  at  certain  seasons 
when  excursions  were  run  from  different  parts  of 
Mexico  and  the  United  States  to  witness  the  wide 
open  towTi,  and  In  various  ways  he  collected  an 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


57 


income  of  two  or  three  thousand  Mexican  dollars 
a month.  Whenever  he  went  out  he  was  accom- 
panied by  a few  strongly  armed  men,  to  protect 
him  against  the  not  infrequent  assaults  of  the 
people  who  suffered  from  his  oppression.  Those 
who  dared  make  any  resistance  whatever  were 
summarily  disposed  of.  The  saddest  part  of  his 
whole  dictatorship  was  the  fact  that  he  commanded 
the  bodies  of  young  women  whom  he  would  send 
for,  especially  those  of  the  lower  classes.  It  seems 
incredible  that  such  a man  could  wield  continued 
power  in  the  latter  years  of  the  Diaz  regime.  It  is 
useless  to  cite  more  examples  of  this  kind,  though 
they  could  be  found  in  all  parts  of  Mexico. 

We  have  often  been  told  of  the  abuses  of  the 
peon  on  the  great  haciendas.  These  immense 
holdings  had  either  come  down  to  their  owners 
from  colonial  times,  or  had  been  given  to  them  for 
some  political  service,  or  had  been  taken  from  the 
Indians  who  held  and  worked  them  as  common 
tribal  possessions.  When  one  of  these  estates  was 
sold,  one  bought  not  only  the  land  and  the  houses 
but  practically  the  peons  also,  for  these  latter 
were  always  kept  in  debt.  The  law  said  that  as 
long  as  they  were  in  debt  they  could  not  leave 
their  employers.  If  they  ran  away  they  might  be 
hunted  and  brought  back.  Their  wages,  of  course, 
were  so  low  that  they  could  never  pay  their 
debts. 


58 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


I remember  talking  with  one  of  these  poor 
fellows  who  was  on  the  rear  platform  of  a passenger 
train  stealing  a ride.  I asked  him  how  much  he 
got  a day.  “Dos  reales  diarios  (twelve  and  a half 
cents,  American,  per  day)”  he  replied.  “Have  you 
a family?”  “Yes,  a wife  and  twelve  children.” 
“Are  you  married?”  (This  is  not  an  uncommon 
question  at  all  to  ask  a Mexican  peon,  who  very 
often  is  not  able  to  have  the  costly  ceremony 
performed  by  the  church  and  does  not  believe  in 
the  value  of  a civil  ceremony.)  ‘Y’es,”  he  replied. 
“Were  you  married  by  the  State  or  by  the  church?” 
“Oh,  by  the  church,  Senor.”  “How  much  did  you 
pay  the  priest  for  the  ceremony?”  “Doce  pesos” 
(six  dollars,  American).  Naturally  such  a man 
never  had  any  idea  of  bettering  his  condition.  It  is 
not  likely  that  he  ever  thought  of  its  possibility. 

The  peon  is  far  from  being  the  pugnacious 
fellow  most  people  think  him.  He  is  the  most 
submissive,  passive,  patient  individual  you  would 
meet  anywhere.  If  we  had  to  wait  for  the  uprising 
of  these  peon  classes  of  the  lowest  order,  we  would 
wait  a long  time  indeed.  The  Revolution  was 
started  not  by  them  but  by  the  few  thousands  in 
the  gradually  developing  middle  class,  aided  at 
times  by  people  who  had  been  associated  with 
the  Government  but  for  various  reasons  had  lost 
their  places,  or  by  young  men,  sons  of  the  govern- 
ing classes,  who  had  gone  to  foreign  countries 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


59 


and  seen  how  far  Mexico  was  behind  the  rest  of 
the  civilized  world  in  the  matter  of  self-govern- 
ment. 

The  matter  referred  to  above — namely,  the 
taking  of  young  women  by  officials  in  the  Diaz 
r6gime — was  altogether  too  common.  A young 
girl  whom  I knew  very  well,  the  only  daughter  of  a 
widow  living  near  us,  was  one  day  called  out  to 
the  high-power  automobile  of  the  general  of  the 
local  garrison,  compelled  to  get  in,  and  driven 
to  the  general’s  headquarters.  She  was  kept  in 
captivity  ten  days.  The  poor  mother  madly 
besought  her  release,  as  did  those  friends  who  were 
brave  enough,  and  she  secured  it  only  after  she 
had  lain  on  her  face  at  the  door,  imploring  so 
piteously  that  the  general  dared  not  face  the 
publicity  of  his  beastly  act  any  longer. 

This  is  one  thing  that  Carranza  and  his  close 
associates  have  gone  after  in  the  most  vigorous 
way.  Of  course,  there  has  been  raping  at  times 
by  his  soldiers,  but  I have  known  personally  of 
his  ordering  executions  because  of  this.  Carranza 
respects  womanhood  and  his  whole  movement 
has  stood  for  a new  place  for  women.  The  young 
women  who  are  school  teachers  and  the  few  others 
who  are  in  business  have  come  to  receive  new 
respect,  and  the  old  feeling  that  any  woman 
who  is  unaccompanied  is  prey  for  a foul  male  is 
opposed  with  all  Carranza’s  power.  Mexican 


6o 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


men  have  too  long  preyed  upon  their  women- 
kind  for  it  to  be  true  that  it  has  disappeared, 
but  the  old  assumption  that  an  official  could  com- 
mand any  woman  of  the  humble  class  that  he 
wanted  without  fear  of  reproval  from  his  superiors 
has  certainly  been  swept  away. 

I recently  asked  a young  Pullman  conductor 
if  he  thought  there  had  been  a real  revolution  in 
his  country  or  if  the  disturbance  were  simply 
the  matter  of  “the  outs  wanting  in.”  With  the 
quickness  of  thought  typical  even  of  the  less 
educated  Mexican,  he  replied  promptly  that 
there  has  been  a real  revolution,  that  has  brought 
about  changes  along  at  least  these  five  lines : 

1.  Free  elections.  WTiile  there  are  still  some 
abuses,  yet  in  a large  number  of  cities  and  states 
elections  are  held  with  absolute  freedom  to  vote 
for  any  candidate  one  pleased.  Twenty  of  the 
twenty-seven  states  now  have  civilian  governors, 
elected  by  the  people. 

2.  Liberation  of  the  peons.  These  have  been 
released  from  their  slavery  because  of  debt, 
mainly  by  an  increase  in  wages.  Day  laborers 
both  in  the  city  and  the  country  are  getting  three 
or  four  times  what  they  got  before  the  Revolution. 

3.  Improved  condition  of  the  skilled  laborer. 
In  the  old  days  threatened  strikes  were  immediate- 
ly suppressed  by  the  military.  Workmen  had 
no  way  of  demanding  more  pay  or  shorter  hours. 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


6i 


Now,  however,  many  trade  unions  are  being 
organized  and  labor  is  allowed  by  means  of 
strikes  and  in  other  ways  to  demand  better  treat- 
ment. This  is  explicitly  provided  for  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  1917.  Higher  wages,  shorter  hours, 
accident  insurance,  improved  sanitation,  and  other 
advantages  are  being  gradually  secured,  as  the  men 
show  their  ability  to  stand  together.  The  alliance 
recently  formed  with  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor  is  proving  of  great  help  to  Mexican  labor. 

4.  Reform  in  the  Church.  The  priests  used 
to  exert  too  much  power  in  politics  and  controlled 
too  much  property.  The  Revolution  has  been 
directed  against  the  temporal  power  of  the 
Church  and  its  influence  toward  reaction,  and  in 
certain  places  the  Revolution  has  gone  to  the 
extreme  in  its  opposition.  But  the  Church  has 
learned  a necessary  lesson  and  is  now  being 
allowed  to  function  freely  in  spiritual  matters. 

5.  The  use  of  a larger  element  in  government 
service.  In  the  old  days  the  Government  was 
confined  to  a few  intellectuals.  Now  many  men 
from  all  walks  of  life  are  called  to  fill  the  offices. 
Even  many  of  the  old  Diaz  regime,  who  have  long 
been  expatriated,  are  now  returning  and  some  of 
them  are  being  used  in  the  Government. 

In  connection  with  this  last  point  it  is  interesting 
to  note  the  composition  of  the  last  National 
Congress,  according  to  professions,  which  was  as 


62 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


follows:  Ten  lawyers,  twelve  doctors  of  medicine, 
ten  civil  engineers,  eighteen  professors  of  public 
instruction,  ten  newspaper  writers,  two  historians, 
seven  railroad  men,  fifteen  export  office  men, 
fourteen  members  of  the  Army,  three  industrial- 
ists, sixteen  merchants,  fourteen  workingmen, 
and  nine  agriculturists.  The  remainder  are  men 
who  are  not  specialists  in  any  of  the  branches 
mentioned,  but  are  engaged  in  various  activities 
in  banking,  commerce,  and  industry,  and  as 
members  of  university  faculties. 

In  pointing  out  the  facts  that  show  there  has 
been  a real  social  revolution  in  Mexico,  no  one,  of 
course,  can  fail  to  recognize  the  many  abuses 
practiced  at  the  present  time  by  Mexican  officials, 
the  badly  run-down  condition  of  the  country 
after  these  years  of  terrible  civil  war,  the  need  of 
money  for  rehabilitation  of  railroads  and  public 
utilities  and  for  education,  and  the  many  problems 
on  every  hand  that  yet  remain  to  be  solved. 

The  principal  abuses  which  the  Government 
must  clear  up  before  it  can  expect  the  full  con- 
fidence of  the  outside  world  are:  first,  the  over- 
riding of  civilian  rights  by  the  Army;  second, 
graft;  and  third,  banditry. 

The  recent  improvement  in  regard  to  each  of 
these  abuses  gives  ground  for  hope  that  they  will 
gradually  disappear.  Great  gains  have  been  made 


A REAL  REVOLUTION?  63 

in  overcoming  the  first  and  the  last,  but  graft  is 
still  very  widespread. 

A real  social  revolution,  which,  while  It  over- 
turns in  the  present,  is  laying  deep  foundations 
for  the  future,  must  have  In  it  a large  element  of 
youth.  The  outstanding  thing  about  the  present 
revolution  in  Mexico  is  the  fact  that  it  is  carried 
on  by  young  men.  President  Diaz  was  surrounded 
by  men  mostly  over  sixty.  He  once  expressed 
great  surprise  that  such  a young  man  as  a certain 
gentleman  who  was  forty-five  could  think  of 
becoming  Governor  of  his  state.  The  opposite  is 
true  of  Carranza.  Seldom  do  you  find  an  official 
who  Is  not  a young  man,  and  most  of  them  are 
very  young. 

Boys  whom  one  knew  in  school  only  a few  years 
ago  one  now  finds  as  councilmen,  mayors,  secre- 
taries, governors  of  states,  and  even  ministers  to 
foreign  countries.  They  are  often,  very  often, 
without  experience.  Still,  they  are  forward- 
looking  fellows,  and  a majority  are  free  from  the 
old  hardened  politician’s  scheming  and  graft. 
Very  noticeably  are  they  coming  to  the  front  in 
the  field  of  education. 

Many  of  them  have  studied  either  in  American 
schools  in  Mexico  or  In  the  United  States.  The 
Director  of  the  National  Preparatory  School  is  a 
young  man  of  twenty-eight,  a graduate  of  Wash- 
ington and  Jefferson  College.  The  principal 


64 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


advisor  to  the  National  Government  in  educational 
affairs  is  a young  man  who  has  spent  eight  years 
in  Columbia  University,  last  year  married  a 
New  York  girl,  and  is  now  giving  his  services  to 
the  Government.  If  there  were  time  I could  run 
through  the  list  of  educational  authorities  in 
Mexico,  from  Monterrey  on  down  through  the 
different  states,  and  show  that  these  leaders  are 
largely  young  men  who  understand  our  educational 
system  and  who  know  the  real  heart  of  the  Amer- 
ican people. 

Let  us  look  at  a few  of  these  young  fellows. 
Not  long  ago  I went  into  the  central  office  of  the 
primary  schools  of  Mexico  City.  The  councilman 
who,  as  Secretary  of  the  Municipal  Committee 
on  Education,  was  the  head  of  this  office  was  a 
young  fellow  that  looked  to  be  hardly  out  of  his 
teens.  He  showed  me  through  the  various  offices 
and  explained  the  work,  including  an  up-to-date 
card  system  he  had  put  in  to  show  various  facts 
about  each  of  the  2,000  teachers  under  him — 
the  time  work  was  begun,  amount  of  salary,  grade 
of  work  done,  and  other  details.  When  I saw  how 
the  teachers  listened  to  his  judgment  and  how  the 
office  force  respected  him,  I looked  again  for  some 
appearance  of  age.  No,  he  is  just  twenty-four 
years  old.  But,  with  Latin  brilliancy  and  early 
maturity,  he  is  giving  the  enthusiasm  of  his  youth 
to  this  complicated  work.  By  the  records  he  shows 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


65 


that  there  are  now  more  students  in  the  primary 
scb-^ols  in  Mexico  City  than  there  were  in  the 
days  Diaz.  He  then  turns  to  tell  me  of  his 
struggle  against  the  Pan-Latin  campaign  of 
Manuel  Ugarte,  who  came  to  Mexico  when  this 
young  man  was  president  of  the  Mexican  Student 
Association,  to  appeal  to  the  students  to  join  with 
all  other  Latin-American  students  in  a league 
against  the  influence  of  the  United  States.  The 
struggle  was  a memorable  one,  ending  in  the 
triumph  of  Pan-American  sentiment  over  Pan- 
Latinism  among  the  Mexican  students.  The 
greatest  ambition  of  this  young  man  now  is  to  go 
to  the  United  States  for  several  years’  study. 
There  is  nothing  that  we  could  do  that  would  be 
more  helpful  in  Mexico’s  development  and  in  the 
promotion  of  friendship  between  the  two  countries 
than  to  create  scholarships  to  bring  such  students 
to  the  United  States. 

The  present  Governor  of  the  State  of  Coahuila 
is  one  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  group  of 
young  men  who  are  now  causing  their  influence 
to  be  felt  in  Mexico.  One  can  hardly  believe  that 
such  a young  man  as  Sr.  Mireles  could  be  entrusted 
with  the  governorship  of  a state  and  yet,  as  you 
look  into  his  official  work,  you  are  convinced  that 
he  is  fully  capable  of  carrying  the  job.  His  great 
passion  is  education.  Coahuila  has  for  many 
years  occupied  a first  place  among  the  states  in 


66 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


education.  But  Governor  Mireles  now  claims 
that  there  are  lOO  per  cent  more  teachers  and 
100  per  cent  more  money  being  spent  on  public 
schools  this  year  than  there  were  in  the  year  1910 — 
the  last  of  the  Diaz  regime. 

While  Carranza  was  Governor,  the  state  voted 
a subsidy  to  several  private  American  schools. 
Governor  Mireles  a few  days  ago  called  the 
American  Directress  of  the  Colegio  Ingles  to  his 
office  and  told  her  that  it  was  his  desire  to  restore 
again  the  subsidy  of  100  pesos  a month  to  her 
school.  He  also  assured  her  that,  if  she  would 
begin  the  erection  of  the  proposed  new  building 
for  the  school,  he  would  see  that  all  the  materials 
brought  from  the  United  States  entered  free  of 
duty'  and  would  also  help  her  in  purchasing  at  a 
reduced  rate  the  materials  bought  in  Mexico. 

One  is  reminded  here  of  another  well-known 
educator  who  began  his  work  in  Saltillo,  the 
capital  city  of  Coahuila.  Some  twenty-five  years 
ago  Governor  Cardenas  of  that  state  decided  that 
it  was  time  that  they  had  a public  school  system. 
He  selected  about  fifteen  young  people  to  go  to 
the  Normal  School  at  Bridgewater,  Massachusetts, 
and  prepare  themselves  for  leading  in  the  new 
movement.  There  was  a young  Methodist  min- 
ister who  had  a private  school  that  had  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  Governor.  The  latter, 
therefore,  made  a proposal  to  the  director  of  this 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


67 


school  that  he  should  chaperon  the  party  of  young 
people  that  was  going  to  Bridgewater,  adding  that, 
if  he  cared  to  take  any  of  the  courses  himself, 
he  would  be  at  liberty  to  do  so.  The  young 
parson  did  take  the  courses  along  with  the  other 
students  and  also  took  all  of  the  honors.  When 
he  returned,  therefore,  he  was  appointed  director 
of  the  new  normal  school  and  superintendent  of 
the  public  school  system  of  the  state.  He  began 
with  practically  nothing  but  his  title,  but  he 
ended  by  building  up  for  his  state  the  best  public 
school  system  in  Mexico  and  erecting  in  the  city 
of  Saltillo  the  most  modern  normal  school  in  the 
Republic.  Toward  the  latter  part  of  the  Diaz 
regime  he  was  suspected  of  being  too  liberal. 
A commission  from  the  President  waited  upon 
him  and  asked  for  a declaration  of  loyalty.  He 
told  them  that  if  he  could  change  his  political 
convictions  as  easily  as  he  could  his  coat,  he  would 
be  willing  to  give  such  a declaration  as  the  one 
asked  for,  but  that  that  would  be  impossible. 
He  was,  therefore,  forced  to  leave  the  country 
and  spent  several  years  in  post-graduate  work  and 
teaching  at  Vanderbilt  University.  Three  years 
ago  he  returned  on  the  invitation  of  President 
Carranza  as  the  Director  of  Secondary  Education 
for  the  Federal  District,  which  amounts  practically 
to  being  the  minister  of  education.  Recently 
he  has  been  appointed  Governor  of  the  State  of 


68 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


Tamaulipas,  because  his  ability  and  his  sympa- 
thetic understanding  of  American  life  were  especially 
needed  in  working  out  some  difficult  problems 
in  connection  with  the  American  oil  interests  in 
that  state. 

Another  one  of  these  young  men  with  the 
modern  viewpoint  is  the  Governor  of  Zacatecas. 
W'^hen  I called  on  him  to  express  my  hope  of 
having  the  United  Sthtes  help  Mexico  in  her 
educational  problem,  he  said  that  I had  arrived 
at  a time  oportunisimo. 

“Mexico,  as  all  the  rest  of  the  world,  is  looking 
today  to  your  great  President,  Mr.  Wilson,  who  is 
unquestionably  the  leading  citizen  of  the  world, 
because  we  all  have  confidence  in  him.  Closer 
relations  must  surely  come  between  our  country 
and  yours,  as  they  have  already  come  between  all 
the  rest  of  Latin-America  and  the  United  States. 
A cartoon  in  one  of  our  papers  the  other  day  may 
have  exaggerated  in  a humorous  way  the  Presi- 
dent’s popularity,  but  it  has  a great  deal  of  truth 
in  it.  The  cartoon  represented  the  sun  as  tipping 
his  hat  to  President  Wilson  and  asking  if  the 
President  would  still  allow  him  to  keep  his  central 
place  in  the  solar  system.  Here  are  some  leaflets 
containing  the  speeches  of  President  Wilson,  for 
which  I sent  to  your  Committee  on  Public  Infor- 
mation in  Washington.  Look  here  what  he  says 
about  Russia.  A man  who  can  see  the  question  in 
that  large  way  can  certainly  be  trusted  by  all  the 
nations  who  have  great  problems  of  reconstruction 
before  them.” 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


69 


When  asked  about  his  friendship  for  the 
working  people,  the  Governor  smiled  appreciative- 
ly and  explained,  with  the  refreshing  enthusiasm 
of  one  who  has  given  himself  to  a great  cause, 
what  he  has  been  doing  to  give  the  laboring 
classes  an  opportunity  to  own  land  in  his  state. 
He  said : 

“Before  the  Revolution,  this  state  was  owned  by 
a few  great  landlords,  an  average  estate  being  from 
twenty-five  to  fifty  thousand  hectares  (a  hectar 
is  about  two  and  a half  acres).  There  was  one 
proprietor  who  has  an  hacienda  of  600,000  hec- 
tares. These  hacendados  live  in  Mexico  City  or  in 
Paris,  employing  overseers,  with  instructions  to 
raise  simply  enough  to  give  the  owner  what  he 
needs  for  his  income.  No  attempt  is  made  to  use 
modern  machinery,  to  improve  the  property,  or  to 
intensify  cultivation.  I have  known  many  peons 
who  received  for  their  daily  wage  five  quarts  of 
com — that  is,  the  feed  for  a horse.  During  my 
military  life,  in  dealing  with  the  Indians  all  the 
way  from  Sonora  to  Yucatan,  I found  that  their 
one  desire  was  for  land.  They  could  see  no 
reason  whatever  why  these  proprietors  should 
have  all  the  benefits  and  they  themselves  should 
work  from  early  morn  till  late  at  night  for  nothing 
but  a few  tortillas  and  frijoles.  I,  therefore,  re- 
solved that,  if  I ever  got  an  opportunity  to  help 
in  alleviating  their  situation,  I would  do  it.  When 
I became  a candidate  for  the  governorship  I put 
up  a simple  platform,  concerned  principally  with 
agrarian  laws.  When  I was  elected  I said  to  my- 


70 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


self,  ‘Now  we  Mexicans  generally  forget  all  about 
what  we  have  said  we  would  do  when  we  come  to 
take  office;  so  the  one  business  of  my  official  life 
shall  be  to  carry  out  my  platform  and  to  see  that 
the  laws  are  obeyed’.  That  is  a very  simple  plan 
and  my  only  ambition  is  simply  to  do  that 
thing. 

As  you  know,  the  question  of  the  distribution  of 
lands,  which  the  Constitutionalists  have  always 
advocated,  is  left  for  the  several  states  to  work 
out.  Our  law  here  is  different  from  that  of  any 
other  state.  In  outline  it  is  as  follows:  Any  labor- 
ing man,  native  or  foreign,  has  a right  to  buy  from 
three  to  two  hundred  hectares  of  land — according 
to  whether  it  is  very  rich  for  intensive  cultivation, 
or  whether  it  is  mountain  land,  good  simply  for 
grazing — as  this  is  about  the  amount  of  land  that  is 
necessary  to  maintain  a family.  When  the  man 
has  selected  the  land,  he  can  either  buy  it  from  the 
proprietor  or,  if  the  proprietor  refuses  to  sell  it,  the 
Government  will  sell  it  to  him  at  the  price  that  the 
proprietor  has  estimated  the  land  to  be  worth 
before  the  appraiser  of  taxes.  If  the  Government 
is  forced  to  make  the  sale,  it  guarantees  the  pay- 
ment to  the  owner,  the  purchaser  paying  so  much 
through  a term  of  years  until  the  land  is  paid  for. 
At  first  the  large  landowners  fought  me  with  every 
possible  weapon,  and  sometimes  even  the  central 
government  was  unfavorable.  The  question  of 
the  constitutionality  of  our  law  has  been  carried 
all  through  the  lower  courts,  which  have  constantly 
sustained  it,  and  it  is  now  before  the  supreme 
court  of  Mexico,  where  there  is  little  question  that 
it  will  be  decided  in  our  favor. 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


71 


The  landowners  have  now  come  to  the  point 
where  they  will  sell  any  land  that  a poor  man 
wishes  to  buy.  They  see  that  it  is  a good  deal 
better  for  them  to  sell  at  a fair  price  than  to  have 
the  Government  force  the  sale  at  the  price  on 
which  they  have  been  paying  taxes,  which,  of 
course,  is  practically  nothing  compared  to  the  real 
value.  Now  all  we  have  to  do  is  to  write  to  these 
proprietors  in  Mexico  City,  proposing  the  sale,  and 
we  get  back  word  by  telegram  authorizing  the  sale. 
During  the  year  we  have  placed  about  2, 000 families 
on  ‘plots  of  land’. 

Military  conditions  in  the  state  have  changed 
entirely.  This  land  distribution  has  created  such  a 
good  feeling  among  the  common  people  that,  in 
spite  of  having  hardly  any  federal  troops  to  keep 
order,  the  common  people  themselves  in  the  vari- 
ous towns  organize  their  own  militia  for  protec- 
tion.” 

I have  given  this  interview  rather  in  detail 
because  it  touches  one  of  the  greatest  problems 
in  Mexico,  one  which  has  been  at  the  very  heart 
of  all  of  the  revolutionary  disturbances.  A little 
comparison  with  present  conditions  in  Russia 
and  in  other  parts  of  the  world  will  indicate  that 
the  revolution  begun  by  Madero  in  1911 — which 
can  hardly  yet  be  said  to  have  ceased  entirely — 
anticipated  the  world  revolution  against  the 
domination  of  property  interests,  which  is  working 
out  in  its  worst  forms  in  the  Bolsheviki  movement 
of  Russia.  The  Mexican  has  studied  little  Social- 


72 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


ism  as  it  has  been  studied  in  Europe.  He  knows 
little  of  the  theories  of  Karl  Marx,  and  it  is 
fortunate  that  the  leadership  of  this  revolution 
has  not  been  of  the  extreme  type  which  would 
lead  Mexico  into  the  terrible  conditions  in  which 
Russia  finds  herself  today.  It  might  be  pushing 
the  parallel  too  far  to  say  that  if  Villa  had  succeed- 
ed instead  of  Carranza,  we  would  have  a Bolshe- 
vist reign  in  Mexico  now  just  as  in  Russia.  There 
are,  however,  several  points  in  common. 

I have  intimated  before,  and  any  one  who  has 
known  Mexico  for  years  can  not  help  but  be 
impressed  by  the  fact,  that  the  power  today  is 
in  the  hands  of  an  entirely  different  class  of  people 
from  that  of  Diaz’s  time.  His  party  were  called 
Cientificos,  “Scientists”,  and  they  gloried  in  their 
intellectual  ability.  When  they  fell.  Demos 
took  the  saddle,  and  there  were  times  when  a 
man  known  to  be  intellectual  was  for  that  very 
reason  under  suspicion.  Practically  all  of  the 
intellectuals  left  the  country,  and  the  Government 
was  left  largely  in  the  hands  of  the  rising  young 
middle  class.  Of  course  it  is  very  clear  that  if 
Mexico  is  to  succeed  in  developing  a democracy, 
the  best  of  both  of  these  classes  must  be  used. 

One  of  the  best  indications  that  Mexico  is 
returning  to  the  normal,  where  both  the  intel- 
lectuals and  the  rising  young  generation  forming  a 
middle  class  are  to  take  part  in  the  direction  of 


A REAL  REVOLUTION?  73 

the  country,  was  given  me  by  a large  landowner. 
He  was  returning  to  Mexico  City  after  inspecting 
some  of  his  large  estates  in  the  north.  After  giving 
me  a most  interesting  account  of  how  he  had 
passed  the  several  years  of  revolution,  first  in 
Paris  and  afterward  in  New  York,  he  told  me 
that  he  is  now  living,  with  no  molestation  what- 
ever, in  Mexico  City,  and  that  the  Government  is 
offering  guarantees  to  many  of  the  intellectuals 
who  have  heretofore  been  political  refugees. 
“Every  day  I meet  in  the  streets,”  he  said,  “old 
friends  of  mine  who  belonged  to  the  former 
regime,  and  all  report  that  they  are  treated  well. 
Sometimes,  when  some  lesser  official  attempts  to 
persecute  them,  they  appeal  to  President  Car- 
ranza and  he  arranges  matters  for  them.  I have 
a young  nephew,  who  has  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
minds  Mexico  has  ever  produced,  who  has  been 
living  in  exile  in  Arizona  for  several  years,  earning 
scarcely  enough  to  keep  his  family  together.  I 
have  written  him,  saying  that  he  should  return 
and  that  he  would  find  no  persecution  whatever. 
His  reply  is  that  from  all  he  can  read  in  the 
papers  in  the  United  States,  conditions  are  as 
bad  as  ever  in  Mexico,  and  he  can  not  feel  that  it 
would  be  safe  for  him  to  return.  He  could 
have  plenty  and  to  spare  here  in  Mexico  and 
enjoy  his  intellectual  pursuits  to  the  fullest  ex- 
tent.” 


74 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


The  struggle  of  these  young  men  against  the 
old  order  in  education  is  well  illustrated  by  the 
following  summary  of  arguments  given  in  a 
recent  pamphlet, ^ in  which  the  young  men  now  in 
charge  of  the  National  Preparatory  School  are 
arguing  against  a threatened  return  of  the  school 
to  the  old  order: 

The  National  Preparatory  School  was  estab- 
lished in  Mexico  City  on  two  false  principles, 
one  administrative  and  the  other  pedagogical,  to 
wit:  first,  that  the  preparatory  school  ought  to 
have  for  its  object  the  preparation  of  the  scholar 
to  enter  a professional  school;  second,  that  the 
course  of  study  ought  to  proceed  from  the  abso- 
lutely abstract  (mathematics)  to  the  absolutely 
concrete  (zoology).  The  people  were  left  with- 
out a secondary  school  of  general  culture,  as 
not  all  can  follow  a profession;  and  there  was 
adopted  a plan  of  studies  making  the  sciences  and 
logic  the  arbiter,  forgetting  absolutely  psychology. 
These  two  false  principles  explain  the  evident 
failure  of  the  National  Preparatory  School  in 
Mexico. 

Statistics  show  that  of  each  one  hundred  pupils 
in  the  school  eighty  failed  in  their  studies,  and  of 
the  other  twenty  probably  one  has  distinguished 
himself  in  the  professions.  The  rest  have  become 
members  of  the  great  army,  every  year  growing 


^ La  Escuela  Preparatoria,  Mexico,  1917. 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


75 


larger,  of  the  proletariat  of  the  frock  coat.  It  Is 
evident  that  a school  that  gives  to  society  only 
one  really  useful  man  from  every  one  hundred  of 
its  pupils,  or,  in  order  not  to  sin,  let  us  say  gives  to 
it  twenty,  is  a failure  from  every  point  of  view. 

On  the  other  hand,  what  has  been  the  social 
attitude  of  this  small  group  of  graduates?  They 
have  formed  the  intellectual  and  professional 
classes,  and  they  are  a group  absolutely  distinct 
and  therefore  easily  observed.  In  the  war  of  the 
liberals  against  the  conservatives,  nearly  all  the 
intellectual  class  was  on  the  side  of  Juarez. 
In  the  revolution  against  Diaz,  and  In  the  more 
just  one  against  Huerta,  where  were  the  intel- 
lectuals? It  is  well  known  that  generally  they 
were  on  the  side  of  Diaz  and  on  the  - side  of 
Huerta. 

In  the  United  States  there  are  13,000  secondary 
schools,  approximately  one  for  each  7,000  of  the 
population.  In  Mexico,  the  old  system  advocated 
only  one  preparatory  school,  and,  in  fact,  up  until  a 
short  time  ago  there  was  only  one  for  all  the 
Federal  District,  which  has  about  700,000  inhab- 
itants. It  is  very  clear  then  that,  while  the  United 
States  has  formed  the  preparatory  school  for  the 
people,  Mexico  has  followed  another  way. 

The  pamphlet  just  referred  to  contains  a 
valuable  critical  study  of  the  whole  subject  of 
secondary  education  in  Mexico. 


76 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


On  a visit  to  the  National  Preparatory  School, 
of  which  this  criticism  is  made,  I heard  an  address 
by  the  young  Governor  of  Coahuila,  which  is  so 
indicative  of  the  way  the  present  educational 
leadership  considers  the  problem,  that  I venture 
the  following  summary: 

“When  I entered  the  director’s  room  this 
morning,  I saw  upon  the  walls  the  picture  of  that 
great  educator,  Gabino  Barreda,  the  founder  of 
our  normal  school  and  undoubtedly  the  man  who 
influenced,  more  than  any  other,  our  Mexican 
education.  Although  bom  outside  of  the  country, 
he  very  soon  drank  deeply  of  our  national  spirit. 
He  was  a positivist  and  with  his  strong  doctrinal- 
ism  broke  down  the  old  theological  ideas  in  our 
educational  system.  This  positivism  at  that  time 
served  a great  purpose  in  that  it  freed  us  from  the 
old,  narrow,  clerical  bondage,  but  as  it  developed 
and  came  more  and  more  to  pervade  our  education, 
its  influence  became  detrimental.  It  produced  an 
intellectual  class  whose  members  believed  that 
there  was  no  such  thing  as  idealism.  They  thought 
they  could  measure  everything  by  a rule  and  solve 
all  problems  by  mathematics.  When  this  intel- 
lectual class  was  told  of  the  aspirations  of  the 
common  people,  of  the  democratic  ideals  that  were 
beginning  to  develop  among  the  common  people,  of 
the  national  aspirations  of  the  lower  classes,  they 
laughed  at  such  suggestions.  To  them  there  was 
no  such  thing  as  the  soul.  Truth  was  a matter  of 
diagram,  of  mathematics,  of  scientific  demonstra- 
tion. This  is  the  explanation  of  the  fact  that  the 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


77 


intellectuals  of  Mexico  never  took  any  part  in  the 
Revolution.  It  was  impossible  for  them  to  under- 
stand the  longing  of  the  common  people,  and  until 
the  very  day  that  these  people,  by  their  united 
efforts  in  every  part  of  the  nation,  became  vic- 
torious, the  intellectuals  were  entirely  unaware  of 
the  people’s  strength.  It  is  one  of  the  most 
curious  phenomena  of  history  that  a great  revolu- 
tion could  take  place  among  a people  and  the 
intellectuals  be  untouched  by  it.  Herein  is  a great 
lesson  for  those  of  us  who  are  leaders  in  this  new 
life. 

If  we  are  to  have  a new  nation,  education  must 
make  it.  But  if  we  are  not  to  fail  like  our  prede- 
cessors, we  must  realize  the  absolute  necessity  of 
educating  the  soul.  If  we  leave  out  the  spiritual 
and  the  idealistic  we  may  expect  to  fail,  just  as 
our  predecessors  have  failed.  Far  more  important 
than  teaching  what  the  books  say,  than  teaching 
certain  theories  of  philosophy  and  science,  is  the 
work  of  developing  the  soul  of  young  people  in 
order  that  they  may  really  love  and  serve  their 
country.  We  young  men  who  are  leaders  in  the 
Revolution  have  been  charged  with  being  idealists, 
Utopians,  with  nothing  practical  in  our  program. 
We  indeed  are  idealists.  We  have  made  many 
mistakes.  We  have  failed  often  to  be  practical, 
and  yet  I say  to  you  that  we  are  not  ashamed  of 
being  young  or  of  being  idealistic.  Mistakes  we 
shall  make  in  the  future,  but  we  will  never  make 
the  fundamental  mistake  our  predecessors  made 
in  thinking  that  all  is  materialistic,  that  the  people 
have  no  soul,  that  they  are  incapable  of  enthu- 
siasm and  of  fighting  for  an  ideal. 


78 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


If  I am  permitted  to  mention  one  of  the  great 
dangers  in  education  which  we  must  fight  abso- 
lutely until  it  is  conquered,  it  is  the  matter  of 
having  education  too  closely  connected  with 
politics.  The  teacher  must  be  absolutely  as- 
sured of  his  position  as  long  as  life  lasts.  He 
must  not  be  subject  to  the  caprices  of  any  political 
office-holder.  In  other  words,  the  teacher  must 
be  so  situated  that  he  can  give  himself  absolutely 
to  his  work  as  a life  task,  being  assured  that  he  is 
appreciated  enough  to  be  continued  through  life, 
with  a sufficient  salary  to  give  him  the  ordinary 
comforts.  This  condition  is  not  easy  to  bring 
about,  especially  in  a young,  turbulent  democracy 
like  ours.  But  to  this  end  we  must  strive,  and  to 
this  end  I am  willing  to  give  my  whole  life.  As 
different  circles  of  revolutionists  have  arisen  in  all 
parts  of  the  country,  they  have  placed  upon  their 
banners  a thousand  different  mottoes  of  reform. 
But  every  one  of  the  thousand  is  comprehended 
in  the  great  problem  of  education.  If  we  solve  this 
problem,  those  thousand  ideals  will  be  realized.” 

This  struggle  of  the  young  educational  leaders 
for  the  thorough  reforming  of  the  basic  principles 
of  education  is  typical  of  their  program  for  all 
departments  of  life,  and  illustrates,  perhaps  as 
well  as  anything  could  do,  the  fundamental 
character  of  the  revolution  we  have  been  dis- 
cussing. 

We  conclude  then  that  the  present  trouble  in 
Mexico  is  not  simply  the  matter  of  personal 
ambitions  of  military  leaders,  but  that  it  is  a real 


A REAL  REVOLUTION? 


79 


social  revolution.  The  Mexicans,  who  have  been 
an  exploited  people  for  four  centuries,  have 
finally  risen  against  conditions  which  long  ago 
disappeared  in  most  of  the  civilized  world.  The 
first  part  of  the  Revolution,  the  destruction  of  the 
old,  has  about  been  concluded,  and  Mexico  now 
faces  the  more  difficult  part,  that  of  reconstruc- 
tion. Encouraging  progress  has  been  made. 
The  forward-looking  young  men  who  are  engaged 
in  rebuilding  the  nation  along  modern  lines, 
although  often  mistaken  in  judgment,  are  working 
with  enthusiasm  and  devotion  to  solve  Mexico’s 
problems.  The  country  can  never  return  to  the 
old  order,  when  a strong  man  will  enforce  peace 
and  economic  activity  at  the  price  of  moral 
stagnation  and  social  and  political  reaction.  If 
the  present  reform  government  should  be  over- 
thrown, it  would  only  mean  the  continuing  of  the 
struggle  until  another  progressive  government, 
strong  enough  to  stand,  should  be  set  up.  In  the 
difficult  period  of  reconstruction,  we  shall  need  to 
have  patience  with  a weak  people  and  help  them 
to  speed  up  their  process  of  nation  building. 


CHAPTER  III 


WHAT  KIND  OF  A MAN 
IS  CARRANZA? 

My  acquaintance  with  Senor  Carranza  began 
in  1911,  when  he  came  to  the  international  bound- 
ary line  to  meet  Don  Francisco  Madero,  who  was 
making  his  triumphal  entry  into  Mexico  after 
his  revolution  had  been  won.  When  I saw  these 
two  men  embrace,  I could  not  help  wishing  that 
the  big,  stalwart,  well-poised  man  of  logic,  instead 
of  the  little,  excitable  man  of  vision,  were  going 
to  the  capital  to  direct  the  affairs  of  the  nation. 

At  this  time  he  visited  the  People’s  Institute  at 
Piedras  Negras,  of  which  I was  director.  On 
being  told  by  the  municipal  president  that  all  the 
leading  men  in  the  new  democratic  life  of  the 
district  had  been  trained  in  the  debating  club,  the 
lecture  courses,  or  the  night  classes  of  the  Institute, 
he  became  interested  in  the  multiplying  of  such 
institutions,  and  had  developed  definite  plans 
for  this  when  he  was  suddenly  stopped  by  the 
Huerta  coup  d' Hat. 

Since  our  common  interest  in  this  kind  of 
education  led  to  our  friendship,  which  was  not  in 
any  sense  political,  I feel  that  I knew  the  real 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  8i 


Carrainza,  especially  during  the  time  he  was  work- 
ingout  the  problems  of  the  governorship  of  Coahuila. 
I never  saw  a man  enter  into  the  hard  task  of 
bettering  labor  conditions,  equalizing  taxation, 
and  extending  the  educational  work  of  his  state 
with  more  enthusiasm  and  apparently  with  a 
greater  desire  to  serve  his  people.  Several  times 
he  mentioned  to  me  that  he  had  been  called  to 
Mexico  City  by  the  Madero  Government,  but 
he  said  that  his  greatest  ambition  was  to  work  out 
the  problems  of  his  own  state,  and  that  only  the 
direst  necessity  would  cause  him  to  abandon  his 
work  as  Governor  for  any  other  position.  I 
would  say  that  the  greatest  disappointment  of 
his  life  came  when  he  was  compelled  to  abandon 
these  administrative  reforms  to  take  up  the 
duties  of  a soldier. 

He  has  a very  delightful  family,  consisting  of  a 
wife  and  two  daughters.  While  he  was  in  Piedras 
Negras,  his  wife  and  daughters  were  with  him  for 
a while  and,  living  across  the  street  from  each 
other,  our  families  visited  back  and  forth,  and 
learned  to  know  one  another  very  well.  Senora 
Carranza  and  the  two  young  lady  daughters  were 
quiet,  unpretentious  people,  of  what  we  would 
call  the  upper  middle  class.  When  the  fighting 
got  so  bad  that  the  General  had  to  put  himself  at 
the  head  of  his  troops,  and  it  was  no  longer  safe 
for  his  family  to  stay  in  Mexico,  it  was  our  sad 


82 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


privilege  to  take  them  in  our  carriage  across  the 
international  bridge  into  Texas.  In  its  center, 
where  the  monument  marks  the  boundary  be- 
tween the  two  nations,  the  husband  and  father 
bade  good-by  to  his  loved  ones.  It  was  one  of 
the  most  affecting  scenes,  though  with  little  out- 
ward show  of  emotion,  that  I ever  witnessed,  and 
gave  me  a new  respect  for  the  man. 

In  all  these  intimate  relationships  I never  saw 
anything  in  Senor  Carranza  that  led  me  to 
believe  that  he  was  not  sincere  in  his  professions 
of  love  for  his  people.  It  happened  that  a hundred 
or  more  of  the  young  men  whom  I taught  in 
Mexico  entered  the  Constitutionalist  Army,  which 
is  almost  entirely  an  organization  of  young  men. 
From  them  I have  always  heard  the  highest 
praise  of  the  personality  of  Senor  Carranza. 
I do  not  hold  a brief  for  his  political  opinions  nor 
justify  the  many  abuses  committed  by  his  follow- 
ers, which,  as  one  reads  history,  are  found  to  be 
very  similar  to  what  has  happened  in  all  other 
nations  in  periods  of  violent  political  eruption, 
but  I do  believe  firmly  in  the  purity  of  his  motives. 

Venustiano  Carranza  was  born  fifty-nine  years 
ago  in  the  city  of  Cuatro  Ci6negas.  His  father  was 
a colonel  under  Juarez.  Carranza  began  to  study 
law,  but  was  seized  with  a youthful  desire  for  life 
in  the  open,  and  gave  himself  to  agriculture  and 
herding  on  his  father’s  estate.  By  this  means  and 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  83 


by  a visit  to  an  oculist  in  the  United  States,  he 
conquered  an  infirmity  which  threatened  to  limit 
his  whole  life.  In  1887,  he  was  elected  Municipal 
President  of  Cuatro  Ci6negas.  The  success  of  his 
agricultural  efforts  and  his  publication  of  a few 
pamphlets  on  agriculture  and  herding,  decided 
his  fellow-citizens  to  elect  him  Municipal  President 
at  a time  when  that  office  was  filled  by  the  powers 
in  Mexico  City.  The  Governor  of  the  state  asked 
him  to  give  a report  which  would  show  how  his 
city  was  progressing.  Carranza  refused  to  give 
any  report  that  did  not  show  the  economic  reforms 
that  were  necessary.  So  he  resigned  his  office. 

When  Cardenas  became  the  popular  candidate 
for  Governor  of  CoahuIIa,  and  the  central  govern- 
ment began  by  despotic  means  to  suppress  his 
candidacy,  Carranza  and  several  other  Liberals 
took  up  arms  to  obtain  the  right  to  elect  their  own 
governor.  On  hearing  that  Diaz  considered  his 
action  simply  that  of  a bandit,  Carranza  went 
alone  to  Mexico  City  to  discuss  the  matter  with 
Diaz.  The  result  of  the  interview  was  that 
Diaz  agreed  to  withdraw  his  candidate  and 
Cardenas  became  Governor.  Carranza  himself 
was  later  elected  a member  of  the  State  Legis- 
lature, and  following  that  a member  of  the  Federal 
Senate.  In  1908  he  was  designated  by  Congress 
to  substitute  for  the  Governor  of  his  state  for  a few 
months.  He  founded  a number  of  hospitals  and 


84 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


schools,  and  prosecuted  maladministration  to 
such  an  extent  that  he  was  asked  to  run  for  the 
governorship  the  next  term.  He  was  requested 
by  Diaz  to  withdraw  his  candidacy,  but  he 
refused. 

It  was  this  campaign  of  Carranza’s  which  first 
enlisted  Francisco  I.  Madero  in  active  politics. 
Madero  made  speeches  for  Carranza  and  contri- 
buted to  his  expenses,  only  to  see  Carranza  meet 
the  fate  of  all  opposition  candidates  under  the 
Diaz  system — he  was  counted  out.  The  young, 
idealistic  Madero,  seeing  how  the  system  operated, 
plunged  then  heart  and  head  into  the  campaign  for 
electoral  reform,  which  led  to  the  revolution 
against  Diaz.  Madero  said,  just  after  the  success 
of  his  revolution,  that  to  the  example  of  Carranza, 
and  to  his  ideals  in  politics,  he  owed  the  inspiration 
that  led  him  into  taking  up  the  sword  against 
Diaz. 

Madero  once  elevated  to  the  presidency  by 
means  of  free  election,  his  administration  was 
quickly  beset  by  intrigue  and  treachery  on  the 
part  of  the  group  who  pretended  to  be  his  friends. 
These  men,  who  protested  an  ardent  and  patriotic 
desire  to  forget  the  past  and  to  cooperate  in 
upholding  the  new  government  and  its  proposed 
reforms,  seemed  to  do  so  only  to  obscure  their 
purpose  of  discrediting  the  latter  and  to  cloak 
their  treasonable  intent  to  overthrow  the  con- 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  85 


stitutional  chief  magistrate.  The  conspiracy 
assumed  such  proportions  that  Madero,  believing 
as  he  did  in  those  who  pledged  their  honor  to  his 
support,  was  rendered  helpless  for  the  time  being 
in  carrying  out  the  program  of  the  revolution. 
At  this  moment  the  conspirators,  assisted  by  a 
large  group  of  corrupt  officers  of  the  Army, 
struck  the  blow  known  as  the  insurrection  of  the 
Ciudadela,  which  offered  to  General  Victoriano 
Huerta,  commanding  general  of  the  government 
forces,  the  opportunity  treacherously  to  assume 
the  dictatorship  of  Mexico.  The  President  and 
Vice-President  were  brutally  put  to  death,  and  a 
reign  of  terror  inaugurated  that  horrified  the 
world.  Such  were  the  incidents  that  induced  the 
Constitutionalist  movement  of  today,  a movement 
which  is  simply  a continuation  of  the  revolution 
of  1910. 

While  certain  governors  of  states  and  a majority 
of  the  military  commanders  accepted  Huerta  in 
the  role  that  he  assumed,  Venustiano  Carranza, 
who  in  the  meantime  had  been  elected  Gov- 
ernor of  the  State  of  Coahuila,  refused  to  be 
cowed.  He  boldly  declared  himself  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  dictator  and  his  so-called  govern- 
ment, and,  with  his  state  militia,  commenced 
immediate  operations  for  armed  resistance.  He 
announced  that  he  regarded  his  action  as  a struggle 
to  the  death.  Madero  had  failed,  Carranza 


86 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


believed,  because  of  compromise  with  the  reaction- 
aries. He  would  stake  all  on  the  struggle,  as  the 
following  words,  uttered  at  that  time,  show: 
“I  am  the  only  leader  recognized  as  supreme  by 
all  the  chiefs  of  the  revolution.  What  we  fight 
for  is  the  Constitution  of  our  country  and  the 
development  of  our  people.  Huerta  outraged  the 
Constitution  when  he  overthrew  and  murdered 
President  Madero.  He  continues  to  outrage  it 
by  attempting  to  govern  despotically  as  Diaz  did, 
and  refusing  to  administer  fairly  the  laws,  which 
are  equal  for  all.  This  revolution  can  not  cease 
until  either  we,  the  Constitutionalists,  triumph, 
or  until  Huerta  triumphs  completely  over  us. 
Even  in  the  latter  case  it  would  only  cease  for 
the  moment,  for  the  revolution  has  its  roots  in 
social  causes.” 

To  the  question,  “What  kind  of  a man  is 
Carranza?”  one  might  answer,  offhand,  that  he 
is  very  much  the  same  kind  of  a man  that  Presi- 
dent Wilson  is.  At  least  they  are  strikingly  alike 
in  certain  respects.  Take  for  instance,  the  matter 
of  set  ideas  or,  to  use  a less  complimentary  term 
of  opponents — stubbornness.  Carranza  has  never 
varied  in  his  program  since  the  very  first  day  that 
he  tacked  his  little  thesis  up  on  the  door  of  the 
Custom  House  in  Piedras  Negras,  when  he 
began  the  revolution  against  Huerta.  Having 
read  what  he  said  in  1913,  I realized  when  I saw 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  87 


him  last,  six  years  later,  in  the  National  Palace, 
that  he  had  the  same  ideas  still  and  the  same 
determination  to  carry  them  out.  How  many 
times  during  the  intervening  years  have  we 
supposed  that  Carranza  was  “done  for!”  It  was 
triumphantly  alleged  that  Huerta  had  eliminated 
him.  When  Villa  turned  against  him,  it  was 
declared  impossible  for  Carranza  to  continue. 
By  others  he  was  pushed  on  out  of  the  country 
until  he  finally  found  himself  in  Vera  Cruz — 
only  one  more  step  would  plunge  him  into  the 
deep  blue  sea!  But  Carranza  is  today  occupying 
the  National  Palace  and  people  everywhere — 
even  those  who  two  years  ago  assured  me  of  the 
impossibility  of  his  holding  out — are  now  saying 
that  there  appears  to  be  no  one  of  sufficient 
strength  to  threaten  his  power.  Obregon  told  a 
friend  that  when  he  first  met  Carranza  he  was 
very  much  put  out  by  the  First  Chief’s  insistence 
on  reading  every  little  word  of  every  little  dis- 
patch or  document  that  he  was  to  sign.  He  was  so 
deliberate  and  so  slow  that  it  seemed  he  would 
never  get  anywhere.  “But,”  said  Obregon,  “as 
I came  to  know  him  more  intimately  I began  to 
regard  him  as  a machine,  something  like  a steam 
roller,  which,  as  it  moved  over  the  ground,  did 
not  neglect  the  smallest  particle,  but  left  each 
detail  packed  down  in  the  right  place,  as  it  moved 
slowly  but  surely  toward  the  accomplishment  of 


88 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


its  object.”  Carranza’s  stubbornness,  or  his 
insistence  on  keeping  to  the  same  program, 
even  if  the  whole  world  were  against  him,  could 
hardly  be  called  a Latin-American  characteristic. 
It  is  the  same,  however,  that  was  responsible  for 
the  final  triumph  of  Juarez,  and  is  probably  an 
Indian  inheritance. 

Reverses  never  seemed  to  suggest  anything  to 
Carranza  but  fighting  on  to  the  bitter  end. 
Several  months  after  he  had  established  his 
headquarters  at  Piedras  Negras  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Revolution,  he  wished  to  join  the  growing 
armed  forces  in  Sonora.  He  intended  to  go  through 
the  United  States  by  rail,  but  learned  that  if  he 
did  so  he  would  be  arrested  for  violating  the 
neutrality  laws.  He  decided  to  make  the  trip 
by  horseback  and  rode  for  sixty  days  through  the 
worst  kind  of  country,  covering  about  3,000 
kilometers.  It  was  reported  everywhere  that  he 
was  killed,  as  no  word  was  received  from  him 
throughout  the  trip.  But  his  stubbornness  and 
his  iron  constitution  scored  again. 

Two  years  later,  after  incessant  struggle,  he 
succeeded  in  approaching  Mexico  and  laying 
siege  with  his  army.  The  Minister  of  Brazil, 
representing  the  various  diplomats  of  the  capital, 
sought  an  interview  with  him,  which  was  granted 
on  the  condition  that  the  only  topic  discussed 
should  be  the  surrender  of  Mexico  City  and  the 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  89 


dissolution  of  Huerta’s  army.  During  the  inter- 
view the  Brazilian  diplomat  attempted  to  deflect 
the  conversation  to  other  issues.  He  offered 
General  Carranza  recognition  by  the  governments 
of  Argentina,  Brazil,  Chile,  and  the  United  States, 
if,  when  the  city  was  surrendered,  Carranza 
would  guarantee  the  freedom  of  all  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  all  political  creeds  and  would  incorporate 
in  his  army  the  officers  of  Huerta’s  army.  Car- 
ranza replied  that  he  had  agreed  to  the  interview 
on  the  condition  that  no  other  subject  but  the 
surrender  of  Mexico  City  should  be  discussed. 
The  Minister  countered  with  the  threat  that  he 
would  see  then  that  Carranza  was  not  recognized 
by  any  of  the  governments  he  represented.  The 
General  rose  from  his  chair,  brought  his  fist  down 
on  the  table,  and  told  the  Minister  that  he  might 
do  whatever  he  wished  and  that  the  interview 
was  concluded.  It  was  only  a few  days  later  that 
Carranza  entered  Mexico  in  triumph.  The  same 
refusal  to  yield,  often  when  the  odds  were  entirely 
against  him,  has  been  repeatedly  shown. 

In  the  first  part  of  the  Revolution,  Don  Venus- 
tiano  counted  greatly  on  the  help  of  his  brother, 
Don  Jesus.  While  the  latter  was  in  Tehuantepec 
inspecting  troops,  he  was  betrayed  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.  A telegram  was  sent  im- 
mediately to  the  First  Chief,  giving  him  a choice 
between  the  shooting  of  his  brother  and  the  other 


90 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


prisoners  and  entering  into  a compact  with  the 
reactionary  party.  Carranza  immediately  an- 
swered that  principle  was  greater  than  life,  even 
the  life  of  those  dearest  to  him,  and  refused  to 
compromise.  The  enemy  coldly  calculated  how 
they  might  bring  the  greatest  pressure  to  bear. 
The  shooting  of  each  prisoner  was  telegraphed  to 
Carranza.  First  came  the  members  of  the  personal 
staff  of  Don  Jesus,  afterward  some  of  his  family, 
and  finally  the  old  General  himself.  Days  after- 
ward loyal  troops  found  the  remains  in  the 
mountains,  and  took  them  to  Vera  Cruz,  the 
headquarters  of  the  First  Chief,  for  burial. 
As  a Mexican  writer  says:  “This  heroic  city 

received  them  with  consternation  and  with  full 
admiration  for  an  immortal  one,  the  glory  of  a 
race  which  had  inspired  Cuahtemoc  to  lie  on 
his  bed  of  torment  for  its  admiration  during  five 
centuries  of  time.  Don  Venustiano  Carranza 
received  the  remains  and  conducted  them  to  the 
cemetery.  His  face  was  the  face  cut  out  of  granite 
by  the  hand  of  the  Aztec.  Perhaps  only  in  his 
eyes  was  reflected  the  profound  suffering  of  his 
soul,  as  he  followed  silently  on  foot  the  undecor- 
ated casket.”^ 

The  international  policy  of  the  United  States 
in  relation  to  the  Latin-American  countries  is 

* Antonio  Manero  in  Mexico  y la  Solidaridad  Mexicana,  from 
which  other  material  in  this  chapter  has  also  been  drawn. 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  91 


generally  one  which  desires  order  and  peace  above 
all  else.  On  August  13,  1915,  in  union  with  six 
other  American  powers,  this  Government  sent 
an  invitation  to  all  the  generals  commanding  the 
different  revolutionary  forces  in  Mexico  to  meet 
in  conference,  in  order  to  come  to  a decision  that 
would  pacify  the  disturbed  Republic.  All  of  them 
accepted  the  invitation  but  Carranza.  The 
following  extract  from  the  reply  of  his  Minister 
will  intimate  the  why  of  his  “stubbornness”  as  it 
was  called  in  this  country  and  his  intransigencia 
as  it  was  called  in  Mexico : 

“He  can  not  consent  to  a discussion  of  the 
domestic  affairs  of  the  Republic  by  mediation  or 
on  the  initiative  of  any  foreign  government  what- 
ever. . . Mexico  is  now  stirred  by  a genuine 

revolution  which  aims  at  doing  away  with  the  last 
vestiges  of  the  colonial  times,  as  well  as  with  all 
the  errors  and  excesses  of  past  administrations,  and 
to  satisfy  the  noble  yearnings  of  the  Mexican 
people  for  well-being  and  improvement.  . . 

Started  by  Don  Francisco  I.  Madero,  the  revolu- 
tion of  1910  could  not  be  carried  out  because  of  the 
compromise  effected  at  Ciudad  Juarez  with  the  old 
regime.  The  treaties  there  concluded  allowed  the 
enemies  of  the  people  to  stand  and  were  one  of  the 
main  causes  of  the  tragic  events  of  February,  1913, 
which  are  surely  known  to  Your  Excellencies  and 
in  the  contriving  of  which  no  small  part  was  taken 
by  several  foreign  ministers  accredited  to  the 
Government  of  Mexico.  . . I have  no  doubt 

that  Your  Excellencies  will  draw  from  the  fore- 


92 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


going  statement  the  intimate  conviction  that  by 
entering  into  agreements  with  the  vanquished 
faction,  the  First  Chief  would  relinquish  not  only 
the  victory  won  at  the  cost  of  so  many  sacrifices 
but  also  the  First  Chiefship  of  the  Constitutionalist 
Army  and  the  executive  power  of  the  nation  and 
thereby  foil  the  faith  and  confidence  reposed  in 
him  by  the  Mexican  Army  and  people.  Further- 
more, Your  Excellencies  must  not  forget  that  the 
yearning  of  this  people  for  freedom  and  democracy 
is  entirely  legitimate  and  that  nobody  has  a right 
to  prevent  their  enjoying  the  fruit  of  their  trying 
struggles  in  the  not  distant  future. 

On  another  occasion,  when  many  were  deserting 
his  standards  and  everything  looked  discouraging, 
he  said  to  his  followers:  “For  serving  the  country 
there  is  never  a surplus  of  individuals,  nor  is 
anyone  ever  missed  who  leaves  its  service.” 

Carranza’s  critics  say  that  he  selects  his  advisers 
not  because  of  their  intrinsic  worth  but  because 
of  their  willingness  and  ability  to  do  the  will  of 
their  chief.  It  is  said  that  a few  nights  after 
Carranza  had  decided  to  lead  the  revolution  in 
opposition  to  Huerta,  several  friends  gathered  in  a 
room  in  the  Hotel  Coahuila  in  Saltillo  to  talk  over 
plans  for  the  coming  campaign.  One  of  the  men 
said  to  the  Governor:  “It  seems  to  me  that  now 
in  the  beginning  of  this  important  business  is  the 
time  for  you  to  surround  yourself  with  some  wise, 


® World  Peace  Foundation  “The  New  Pan-.Americanism.” 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  93 


tnisted  advisers.”  The  reply  of  Governor  Car- 
ranza is  reported  to  have  been,  “I  am  my  own 
adviser.”  As  I write  today  there  is  in  the  Mexican 
Cabinet  no  Secretary  of  Foreign  Relations,  no 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  no  Secretary  of  War. 
These  portfolios  are  all  handled  by  sub-secretaries, 
young  men  who  have  been  with  Carranza  since 
the  beginning  of  the  Revolution  and  in  whom  he 
has  implicit  confidence  that  they  will  do  without 
question  what  he  tells  them. 

There  are  two  kinds  of  leadership.  One  is  the 
kind  that  sees  a vision  and  places  the  responsibility 
of  carrying  out  that  vision  upon  carefully  selected 
men,  who  are  made  to  feel  the  responsibilities  of 
the  great  tasks  before  them.  The  other  is  the 
kind  that  assumes  openly  and  without  reserve 
the  responsibility  for  carrying  forward  the  task 
and  selects  lieutenants,  whose  greatest  recom- 
mendation is  the  fact  that  they  will  be  absolutely 
true  to  the  leader  and  the  cause  that  he  represents. 
Whether  or  not  the  latter  is  the  better  type,  it  is 
preeminently  the  type  represented  by  President 
Carranza. 

Another  characteristic  of  the  President  is  his 
dignity  and  reserve.  He  prefers  to  sit  behind 
closed  doors  and  operate  by  the  power  of  his 
logic  and  the  force  of  his  ideas  rather  than  to  go 
out  before  a crowd  and  hear  their  cries  of  Viva  el 
Fresidentel  I remember  the  old  days  when  he 


94 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


was  running  for  the  governorship  of  Coahuila.  His 
campaign  was  the  first  one  ever  conducted  in  that 
state  by  an  open  appeal  to  the  public  in  general. 
He  wished  to  inaugurate  open  campaigning 
because  he  wanted  the  people  to  realize  that 
Mexico  was  coming  into  a new  democratic  life, 
when  the  people  themselves  must  judge  be- 
tween the  candidates.  However,  Carranza  himself 
scarcely  ever  made  a speech.  He  had  three  fiery 
young  orators — two  of  them  now  governors  of 
states — who  accompanied  him  on  his  campaign. 
When  he  got  to  a city  these  orators  answered  the 
addresses  of  welcome,  made  speeches  before  all 
kinds  of  gatherings,  and  used  all  the  tricks  of 
campaigns  learned  from  the  United  States,  while 
Senor  Carranza  would  sit  quietly  by  and  look 
pleased.  Most  of  his  time  in  each  of  the  towns 
was  given  to  conferences  with  individuals  of 
importance  in  the  community.  So,  today,  he 
very  seldom  makes  an  address  or  publishes  a 
statement. 

Another  outstanding  characteristic  of  the  Presi- 
dent is  his  nationalism.  This  is  shown  first  in  his 
profound  belief  in  the  Mexican  people  and  their 
ability  to  govern  themselves.  The  type  of 
nationalism  incarnate  in  Carranza  is  that  which  is 
common  to  the  leading  patriots  and  political 
ideologists  of  the  Latin-American  countries.  This 
important  matter  North  Americans  generally  fail  to 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  95 


realize.  It  is  patriotism  of  an  intense  and  severe  sort, 
passionate  for  progress  according  to  the  national 
norm,  desirous  of  assimilating  helpful  elements 
from  abroad,  but  jealously  guarding  disintegration 
of  the  indigenous  culture  by  forces  inimical  to  the 
Latin  conception  of  democracy.  This  idealistic 
nationalism  which  breathes  through  the  political 
programs  of  the  Hispanic-American  republics  has 
been  set  forth  in  an  illiminating  manner  by  the 
Argentine  author,  Ricardo  Rojas.®  Nationalism 
he  defines  as  patriotism  with  its  territorial  base, 
the  land,  and  its  political  base,  the  nation.  Its 
elements  are  solidarity  and  the  consciousness  of 
tradition  and  of  language.  He  regards  as  “active 
factors  of  national  dissolution,”  Jewish  schools 
where  lessons  are  given  in  Hebrew,  “colleges  of 
religious  congregations,  Protestant  establishments, 
and  German  and  Italian  educational  institutions 
which  obey  foreign  governments.”  Discouragingly 
he  describes  a growing  “cosmopolitanism  in  men 
and  ideas,  the  dissolution  of  the  old  moral  nucleii, 
indifference  concerning  public  business,  and  in- 
creasing forgetfulness  of  traditions,  the  popular 
corruption  of  language,  ignorance  of  our  own 
territory,  lack  of  national  solidarity,  anxiety  for 
riches  without  scruple,  the  worship  of  the  most 
ignoble  hierarchies,  the  disdain  of  higher  accom- 
plishments, the  lack  of  passion  in  struggle,  the 
» Rojas:  “La  Reslauracion  Nacionalista.” 


96 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


lowering  of  suffrage,  superstitious  regard  for 
exotic  names,  and  blasting  individ^ualism  and 
depreciation  of  ideals.” 

Analogous  to  Rojas’s  dream  for  the  Argentine 
is  Carranza’s  confidence  in  the  latent  power  of 
Mexico  to  develop  a large  and  vigorous  life  out  of 
indigenous  roots  and  springs.  Our  own  experience 
with  German  permeation  will  help  us  to  understand 
this  attitude. 

The  essential  points  of  Carranza’s  doctrine  are: 
first,  “No  nation  should  intervene  in  any  form  or 
for  any  reason  in  the  affairs  of  another”;  second, 
“Nationals  and  aliens  should  be  equal  before  the 
sovereignty  of  the  country  in  which  they  reside”; 
third,  “Diplomacy  should  not  serve  to  protect 
private  interests.” 

The  principle  of  emancipation  from  foreign 
coercion,  exploitation,  and  domination,  and  the 
right  of  self-determination  and  self-direction  have 
been  affirmed  in  no  less  clear  and  emphatic  terms 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Speaking  of 
Latin-America  as  a whole,  Mr.  Wilson  said  in  his 
Mobile  address  (quoted  in  New  York  Times): 

‘What  these  states  are  going  to  see,  therefore,  is 
an  emancipation  from  the  subordination,  which 
has  been  inevitable,  to  foreign  enterprise,  and  an 
assertion  of  the  splendid  character  which,  in  spite 
of  these  difficulties,  they  have  again  and  again 
been  able  to  demonstrate.  The  dignity,  the 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  97 

courage,  the  self-possession,  the  self-respect  of  the 
Latin-American  states,  their  achievements  in  the 
face  of  all  these  adverse  circumstances,  deserve 
nothing  but  the  admiration  and  applause  of  the 
world.  They  have  had  harder  bargains  driven 
with  them  in  the  matter  of  loans  than  any  other 
peoples  of  the  world.  Interest  has  been  exacted 
of  them  that  was  not  exacted  of  anybody  else, 
because  the  risk  was  said  to  be  greater;  and  thus 
securities  were  taken  that  destroyed  the  risk — an 
admirable  arrangement  for  those  who  were  forcing 
the  terms!  I rejoice  in  nothing  so  much  as  in  the 
prospect  that  they  will  now  be  emancipated  from 
these  conditions,  and  we  ought  to  be  the  first  to 
take  part  in  assisting  in  that  emancipation.” 

President  Carranza  believes  that  the  Diaz 
regime  had  given  Mexico  largely  over  to  foreigners 
and  the  Mexicans  themselves  had  had  little 
opportunity  to  reap  any  benefits  from  the  enor- 
mous material  riches  of  their  country.  From  the 
very  first,  he  has  felt  that  Mexico  must  be  ruled 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Mexicans.  This  actually 
seems  strange  to  some  foreigners.  Many  think 
Carranza’s  first  interest  should  be  to  please  the 
United  States,  that  whenever  any  question  comes 
up  for  decision  his  first  thought  should  be,  “How 
will  this  affect  Americans?”  We  would  understand 
many  of  his  actions  a great  deal  better  if  we  could 
put  ourselves  in  the  place  of  the  Mexican  people. 

Opponents  of  the  present  Mexican  administra- 
tion have  not  been  slow  to  turn  to  their  own 


98 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


advantage  the  President’s  uncompromising  adher- 
ence to  the  principle  of  state  integrity  and  cohesion, 
as  over  against  selfish  individualism  and  non- 
cooperative  exploitation.  This  they  have  done 
by  distorting  the  Government’s  attitude  toward 
individual  rights  and  enterprise.  Senor  IVIanero, 
official  interpreter  of  Senor  Carranza  to  the  Latin- 
American  countries,  says: 

“One  of  the  most  advertised  pretexts  in  foreign 
countries  against  the  policies  of  Mr.  Carranza  has 
been  the  lack  of  individual  guarantees,  which 
always  ought  to  be  the  inseparable  norm  in  all 
political  mechanism  or  government.  Mexican 
citizens  who  have  abandoned  the  country  have 
claimed  this,  and,  in  the  same  way,  foreigners 
formerly  resident  in  Mexico  who  yet  have  certain 
interests  there  have  taken  this  pretext  to  provoke 
for  the  Mexican  Government  difficulties  of  all 
kinds  to  hinder  its  organization  and  consolidation. 

There  has  been  a special  reason  why  this  was 
the  theme  most  often  appealed  to  by  the  reaction- 
aries. Those  who  make  relations  difficult  between 
foreign  governments  and  the  Constitutionalist 
Government  have  found  their  most  powerful  aid  in 
making  difficult  the  interior  political  situation — 
as  it  is  well  knowm  that  the  moral  assistance  of  the 
world’s  opinion  in  favor  of  or  against  a government 
is  an  important  factor,  not  only  in  its  international 
relations,  but  also  in  its  interior  development. 
Reactionaries  always  played  upon  this  theme  be- 
fore the  White  House,  in  order  to  create  an  atmos- 
phere of  suspicion  in  the  American  Government 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  99 

toward  Mexico,  and  the  press  everywhere  has  been 
used  as  a powerful  element  to  alarm  foreign  capi- 
talists who  have  had  interests  in  Mexico.  The 
reactionaries  have  never  made  distinctions  between 
legitimate  properties  of  nationals  and  foreigners 
and  those  which  have  been  acquired  by  dispos- 
session, by  political  influence,  and  by  force. 

It  is  impossible  to  believe  that  respect  will  be 
paid  to  the  colossal  holdings  of  some — fortunately 
very  few — who  have  deprived  the  ancient  Indian 
owners  of  their  legitimate  possessions.  . . It  is 

impossible  to  believe  that  respect  will  be  shown  for 
monopolies  founded  in  financial  intrigues  with 
former  secretaries  of  state.  . . It  is  impossible  to 
believe,  finally,  that  respect  will  be  shown  for  the 
p>ersonal  safety  of  foreigners  who,  without  any 
right  whatever,  have  mixed  in  the  political  ques- 
tions of  the  country  and  have  furnished  money, 
material,  and  moral  influence  for  committing  real 
crimes,  as  was  done  in  the  battle  of  Mexico  City 
and  in  the  assassination  of  Madero  and  Suarez. 

But  it  is  still  more  difficult  to  believe  that  the 
life  and  liberty  of  honored  foreigners  who  have 
complied  with  their  duties  of  neutrality  and  social 
obligations  will  not  be  respected,  and  yet  more 
difficult  to  believe  that  their  property,  secured 
by  their  hard  work  and  legitimate  rights  guaran- 
teed by  the  Mexican  Constitution,  will  not  be 
respected.  The  manifesto  directed  to  the  nation 
by  Mr.  Carranza,  on  the  nth  of  June,  1915,  in 
Vera  Cruz,  at  a time  when,  from  a military  point 
of  view,  the  reaction  dominated  the  country,  very 
clearly  explains  this  matter.  It  contained  these 
words:  ‘The  Constitutionalist  Government  offers 


lOO 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


to  the  foreign  residents  in  Mexico  the  guarantees 
to  which  they  have  a right,  according  to  our  laws, 
and  it  will  protect  amply  their  lives,  liberty,  and 
enjoyment  of  their  legal  rights  and  their  property. 
According  to  the  indemnization  for  the  harm  that 
the  Revolution  has  caused,  wherever  such  indem- 
nization is  just,  the  Government  will  assume  the 
responsibility  of  financial  obligations  which  are 
legitimate’.”  * 

One  of  President  Carranza’s  most  recent  utter- 
ances, as  the  spokesman  of  his  government,  is 
contained  in  an  interview  published  in  the  San 
Antonio  Express: 

“There  has  been  much  misunderstanding,  or 
ignorance,  in  regard  to  Mexico’s  foreign  policy. 
It  has  been  represented  that  the  new  constitution 
leads  to  an  attack,  tantamount  to  confiscation, 
upon  foreign-owned  property  in  Mexico.  Nothing 
could  be  farther  from  the  facts.  The  truth  is  that 
foreign  capital  coming  here  under  the  present  laws 
and  abiding  by  the  present  laws  will  find  not  only 
an  open  door,  but  protection.  Under  the  old  con- 
stitution foreign  capital  had  more  privileges  than 
had  Mexican  capital  Itself,  a system  manifestly 
unfair  and  unjust.  Under  the  new  laws  foreign 
capital  is  welcomed  and  protected,  but  the  Mexi- 
can investor  is  also  protected  and  given  a fair 
chance  for  competition  and  legitimate  profit. 

One  of  the  great  works  of  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment, hinging  upon  thorough  reconstruction  of  the 
country,  is  the  breaking  up  of  the  old  system  of 


* Manero:  Mexico  y la  Solidaridad  Americana. 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  loi 


vast  tracts  of  land  which  were  owned  or  acquired 
by  a few  individuals  and  upon  which  a state  of 
practical  serfdom  existed.  This  vicious  system  is 
being  done  away  with.  The  Government  is 
starting  to  buy  or  otherwise  legally  to  acquire 
these  lands,  in  order  to  give  them  back  to  the  peo- 
ple at  small  cost  with  long-time  payments.  It  is 
bringing  the  latest  scientific  farming  machinery 
and  implements  into  the  country,  and  is  demon- 
strating to  the  farmer  their  use  by  what  may  be 
called  movable  schools  on  the  railroads.  The 
Government  is  helping  the  farmer  to  buy  these. 

With  independence  coming  from  his  own  land, 
the  farmer  will  put  part  of  his  profits  back  into  the 
soil,  reaping  richer  harvests,  and  with  his  children 
being  taught  at  the  schools  we  are  to  establish,  the 
Mexican  home  will  be  the  basis  for  a better  citizen- 
ship. In  the  increasing  number  of  elementary 
schools  is  to  be  found  tangible  evidence  of  the 
Government’s  progress  in  fostering  public  educa- 
tion. The  bill  has  just  been  signed  for  the  reopen- 
ing of  the  National  Agricultural  College.  The 
eagerness  of  the  people  to  learn  and  their  general 
response  are  gratifying  signs  of  their  appreciation 
of  the  true  democracy  which  it  is  the  pledge  of  my 
administration  to  give  my  country. 

Mexico  is  going  rapidly  ahead.  It  is  at  peace. 
The  reports  spread  abroad  of  unrest  and  of  out- 
rages committed  on  trains  and  passengers  have 
given  the  impression,  helped  by  exaggerated  state- 
ments, that  the  country  is  generally  disturbed. 
Such  is  not  the  case.  Two  or  three  men  blow  up  a 
train,  a hundred  or  two  hundred  men  stop  a 
freight  train  in  isolated  places,  but  this  does  not 


102 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


mean  that  it  is  general.  These  hold-ups  or  rob- 
beries may  be  compared  to  what  the  United  States 
experienced  for  some  years  after  your  war  of 
secession  and  before  the  law  authorities  could 
bring  about  complete  order.  The  bandit  gangs 
were  daring  and  many,  holding  up  coaches  and 
railroad  trains.  While  this  was  going  on  in  the 
southern  and  western  parts  of  the  United  States,  the 
north  and  the  rest  of  the  country  were  peaceable  and 
progressing  and  flourishing.  So  it  is  with  Mexico. 

In  those  days  the  United  States  had  more  than 
60,000,000  population  and  many  more  resources 
at  its  command  than  has  Mexico  at  the  present 
day.  And  the  United  States  was  better  able  to 
cope  with  the  train  robbers  than  is  Mexico,  but  the 
train  robber  still  exists.  His  gangs  had  to  be  de- 
stroyed before  the  country  was  safe.  We  are 
working  on  the  same  problem  and  making  pro- 
gress, but  the  difference  is  great,  in  that  the  United 
States  was  not  hampered  by  foreign  interests 
which  gave  aid  and  arms  and  ammunition  to  the 
bandits,  as  in  the  case  of  Mexico.” 

That  Mr.  Carranza  has  been  able  to  make  his 
nationalism  a practical  success  so  far  as  Mexico’s 
financial  status  is  concerned  can  not  be  gainsaid. 
During  1917-1918,  all  expenses  of  government 
were  paid  from  the  federal  revenues.  The  most 
sweeping  monetary  reforms  have  followed  a 
scientific  investigation  of  the  methods  and  results 
of  taxation.  As  the  correspondent  of  the  New 
York  Tribune,  writing  from  Mexico  City,  said:® 

» In  the  issue  of  March  12,  1919. 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  103 


“Mexico  has  been  trying  to  work  out  a financial 
system  adapted  to  present-day  conditions.  To 
this  end  President  Carranza  appointed  a Comision 
de  Reorganizacion  Administrativa  y Financier  a, 
which  at  once  availed  itself  of  the  services  of  for- 
eign economists.  A preliminary  survey  of  the 
Mexican  revenue  problem,  with  suggestions  for 
the  reconstruction  of  the  system,  was  published 
in  July  last  by  Dr.  Henry  Alfred  E.  Chandler, 
Professor  of  Economics  in  Columbia  University, 
with  a foreword  by  Professor  Edwin  R.  A.  Selig- 
man,  of  the  same  institution.  Professor  Seligman 
pointed  out  that  ‘a  fundamental  defect  of  the  old 
system  was  the  multiplicity  of  taxes’.  And  he 
asserted  that  ‘just  as  the  French  Revolution  swept 
away  at  one  blow  the  heterogeneous  mass  of  the 
complicated  medieval  taxes  in  order  to  replace 
them  by  a small  number  of  well  selected  imposts, 
so  the  first  task  of  the  fiscal  reformer  in  Mexico 
must  be  to  introduce  simplicity  in  the  tax  system. 
A few  carefully  chosen  resources  of  revenue  will  be 
preferable  to  a jumble  of  partial  and  ineffective 
imposts’. 

This  statement,  much  amplified  by  Professor 
Chandler,  has  been  deeply  pondered  by  Mexican 
statesmen.  Just  the  opposite  of  this  principle  was 
applied  in  the  Diaz  government,  when  every  little 
pedler  had  to  pay  for  the  privilege  of  selling  his  hand- 
ful of  sweets  or  what-not,  whereas  the  great  landed 
proprietors  and  big  firms  paid  little  or  nothing.” 

To  prevent  waste  of  public  funds  and  provide 
a modem  system  of  accounting,  an  expert  from 
New  York  was  invited  to  bring  to  Mexico  a 


104 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


staff  of  accountants  in  order  to  install  an  audit 
office.  There  has  been  strenuous  opposition  to 
this  procedure  from  the  grafters,  and  I understand 
that  they  have  recently  succeeded  in  ousting  some  of 
the  American  experts.  But  the  system  still  stands. 

The  federal  income  shows  encouraging  increase. 
One  of  the  most  astonishing  items  is  the  receipts 
from  pulque,  which  were  140  pesos®  a month  in 
1910,  and  in  February  of  1918  were  140,000  pesos. 
During  the  Diaz  regime  this  national  drink  traffic 
was  largely  controlled  by  government  favorites 
and  had  paid  practically  no  tax. 

No  interest  on  the  national  debt  has  been  paid 
for  several  years.  That  debt  and  the  unpaid 
interest  on  the  same  pending  in  the  spring  of  1919, 
was  about  $265,000,000  (U.  S.  currency).  To  get 
IVIexico’s  total  debt,  the  just  claims  of  foreign  inter- 
ests on  account  of  damage  to  property  during  the 
Revolution  would  have  to  be  added.  No  one  knows 
what  these  will  be,  but  probably  nothing  like  the 
large  sum  held  in  the  popular  imagination.  One 
authority  has  estimated  this  damage  at  $100,000,- 
000,  with  the  total  debt,  including  $50,000,000 
for  internal  improvements,  at  $450,000,000.  Thirty 
dollars  per  capita  is  not  a large  national  debt.^ 

The  increasing  prosperity  of  Mexico  may  be 
judged  by  the  fact  that,  the  total  receipts  by  the 


» A peso  is  worth  about  fifty  cents  United  States  currency. 
' Trowbridge,  “Mexico  Today  and  Tomorrow.” 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  105 

Government  in  1918,  as  shown  by  a statement 
issued  by  the  Mexican  Treasury  on  March  8, 1919, 
were  $149,141,378.65,  the  largest  receipts  of  any 
year  in  Diaz’s  administration  being  $105,203,000 
(pesos).® 

President  Carranza’s  confidence  in  the  country’s 
solvency  is  so  firm  that  there  has  been  no  disposi- 
tion to  repudiate  any  legitimate  claim.  It  is 
true  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  Constitutionalist 
Government  it  was  resolved  to  repudiate  all  the 


sThe  Financial  Agent  of  the  Mexican  Government  in  New 
York  recently  issued  the  following  statement  (New  York  Sun, 
July  14,  1919): 

THE  PUBLIC  DEBT 

The  external  and  internal  debt  of  Mexico,  estimated  up  to 
the  last  day  of  the  month  of  June,  1919,  is,  in  the  United  States 
currency,  as  follows: 


Principal  Interest 

External  Debt $143,472,125.68  $34,001,469.33 

Internal  Debt 69,397,775.00  17,914,672.62 


$212,869,900.68  $51,916,141.95 
Grand  Total $264,786,042.63  U.  S.  currency 


This  amount  of  a little  more  than  a quarter  of  a billion  dollars 
is  distributed  among  a population  of  sixteen  millions  or  therea- 
bouts. At  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  the  United  States,  with  a 
population  two  and  one-half  times  as  great,  had  a total  indebted- 
ness of  three  billions  of  dollars.  Canada,  with  a population  of  less 
than  one-half  that  of  Mexico  has  a present  indebtedness  of  two 
billions  of  dollars,  and  is  now  increasing  it  in  order  to  care  for  its 
home-coming  soldiers. 

Mexico  has  always  paid  what  she  owed,  and  the  longer  her 
creditors  have  waited  for  her  to  pay,  the  more  costly  it  has  been 
to  Mexico.  It  is  estimated  that  the  Government  revenues  for 
the  present  year  will  yield  one  hundred  million  dollars  United 
States  currency. 


io6  INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 

loans  Huerta  might  have  made  abroad,  but,  to 
quote  President  Carranza’s  recent  message  to 
Congress : 

“Nevertheless,  the  Constitutionalist  Govern- 
ment does  not  shirk  the  recognition  of  all  legiti- 
mate obligations  contracted  previous  to  the 
Revolution,  and  consequently  considers  as  out- 
standing the  debts  covered  by  Huerta’s  adminis- 
tration with  bonds  or  funds  acquired  by  means  of 
unlawful  loans.” 

Carranza  has  insisted  on  his  government’s 
paying  its  own  way,  and  he  has  made  no  foreign 
loans.  This  rigid  economy  has  been  at  the 
expense  of  efficiency  in  some  of  the  most  vital 
parts  of  Mexico’s  life.  It  is  particularly  noticeable 
in  the  conduct  of  the  railroads  and  the  schools,  the 
equipment  of  both  being  fearfully  “run  down  at 
the  heel.” 

Carranza  intimates  that  he  will  borrow  only 
sufficient  funds  to  pay  the  nation’s  debts,  and  will 
continue  to  cut  the  garment  of  national  expendi- 
ture according  to  the  cloth  of  actual  income.  To 
the  best  friends  of  Mexico,  who  would  like  to  see 
the  process  of  reconstruction  hurried,  this  attitude 
would  seem  as  unfortunate  as  are  some  other 
indications  of  the  President’s  extreme  nationalism. 
It  is  all  right  to  be  economical,  to  keep  out  of  the 
grasp  of  creditors,  but  there  are  times  when  it  is  a 
very  bad  business  policy  for  either  an  individual 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  107 


or  a nation  to  go  to  an  extreme  in  this.  These 
are  days  of  “big  business,”  and  not  all  of  it, 
by  any  means,  is  bad  business.  It  would  seem 
that  the  devoted  teachers  of  Mexico  should  not 
be  made  to  wait  weeks  for  back  salaries;  that  the 
opening  of  new  institutions  and  the  strengthening 
of  old  ones  should  not  be  indefinitely  postponed; 
that  railroad  trains  should  not  be  left  to  limp  along 
on  flat  wheels  and  bumt-out  boilers,  and  all  kinds 
of  needed  improvements  which  would  help  to 
give  employment  to  the  idle  should  not  be  held  up 
until  even  a rich  country  like  Mexico  can  recuper- 
ate its  full  strength  after  eight  years  of  civil  war. 
There  are  hopeful  evidences  that  President  Car- 
ranza will  shift  back  to  a sensible  nationalism  on 
this  matter  as  he  is  beginning  to  do  on  others,  and 
the  evidences  are  just  as  hopeful  that  American 
financiers  will  meet  him  half  way. 

It  is  possible  that  a good  deal  of  the  President’s 
nationalistic  policy,  which  has  included  an  ugly 
slap  at  foreign  governments  once  in  a while,  has 
been  due  to  the  fact  that  he  knew  it  was  good 
politics  with  his  own  people.  But  one  who  visits 
Mexico  today  is  impressed  by  the  fact  that  she 
has  begun  to  realize  that  she  has  been  entirely 
too  nationalistic,  too  self-satisfied,  too  afraid  of 
foreign  influences,  and  that  her  future  depends 
largely  on  her  reaching  out  to  the  world  and 
bringing  to  Mexico  the  lessons  of  the  progressive 


io8  INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 

nations.  The  criticism  of  the  keenest  minds  con- 
cerning President  Carranza  is  that  he  has  been  too 
intensely  nationalistic,  especially  in  refusing  to 
accept  the  help  which  at  various  times  the  United 
States  has  been  ready  to  offer.  The  following  is 
the  summary  of  an  article  appearing  recently  in 
a Mexican  paper: 

“President  Carranza  left  Mexico  City  yesterday 
for  the  United  States  on  a special  train.  He  will 
proceed  directly  to  New  York,  where  he  will 
board  a warship  of  the  United  States,  on  which 
he  is  to  accompany  President  Wilson  and  many 
other  prominent  delegates  to  the  Peace  Conference 
in  Paris.  President  Carranza  will  represent 
Mexico  at  the  conference  and  will  suggest  to  the 
delegates  how  the  immense  natural  resources  of 
IVIexico  can  be  put  at  the  disposal  of  the  nations 
in  the  great  work  of  world  reconstruction.”  Then 
in  small  type  the  article  continues:  “This  and 
many  other  similar  things  could  now  be  written 
concerning  the  great  opportunity  that  President 
Carranza  has  had  of  making  Mexico  count  in  the 
great  work  of  bringing  peace  and  prosperity  to  a 
torn  world,  if  he  had  only  seen  his  opportunity,  left 
off  his  intense  nationalism,  and  entered  into  an 
alliance  with  the  other  great  democratic  nations 
of  the  world.” 

The  author  of  that  article,  who  is  a strong  Con- 
stitutionalist, says  that  President  Carranza  now 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  109 


recognizes  the  need  of  modifying  his  program  of 
isolation  and  welcoming  closer  cooperation  with 
the  United  States. 

This  judgment  is  in  line  with  that  of  the  Presi- 
dent’s closest  friends  and  with  the  outspoken 
desire  for  friendship  with  the  United  States  which 
he  expressed  personally  to  the  writer  in  an  inter- 
view had  with  him  very  recently. 

One  of  the  most  evident  expressions  of  Carran- 
za’s nationalism,  and  the  one  of  his  constitutional 
reforms  that  is  most  widely  discussed,  is  the  oil 
legislation  which  has  thrown  foreign  capital  into 
such  consternation.  This  is  of  a piece  with  Car- 
ranza’s fiscal  policy  In  general,  and  is  an  attempt 
to  preserve  Mexican  tradition — to  found  the  new 
order  upon  a basic  principle  of  Mexico’s  economic 
life,  which  was  laid  down  at  the  very  beginning 
of  the  Spanish  occupation.  The  Spanish  law  made 
a distinction  between  surface  rights  and  mineral 
rights.  It  reserved  to  the  Crown  the  exclusive 
ownership  of  the  subsoil;  and,  therefore,  the 
Crown  held  the  titles  to  all  mining  properties. 
When  Mexico  became  a republic,  the  crown  rights 
passed  to  the  Federal  Government.  All  subse- 
quent mining  laws  of  Mexico  are  based  on  this 
ancient  tradition  of  government  ownership.  The 
man  who  buys  a mine  receives  not  a deed,  but  a 
permit.  He  owns  the  product  of  the  mine,  but  not 
the  subterranean  area  itself.  The  distinction  is  a 


no 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


fine  one,  but  it  has  acquired  significance  for  the 
sensitive  Mexican  reformer  since  President  Diaz, 
departing  from  the  traditional  principle,  secured 
from  his  Congress  a formal  act  exempting  petro- 
leum from  classification  with  minerals.  Carranza’s 
legislation  aims  to  rescue  his  country  from  the 
compromise  into  which  she  fell  by  the  pressure 
upon  Diaz  of  foreign  capital.  It  is  not  that  he 
wishes  to  place  an  embargo  on  foreign  investments 
as  such;  for  the  new  legislation  is  as  strenuously 
opposed  by  Mexican  oil  investors  as  it  is  by 
foreigners. 

While  foreign  investors  may  justly  complain  at 
the  high  tax  imposed  upon  petroleum  by  the  new 
law,  and  while  mistakes  have  been  made  in  its 
application,  yet  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that 
previous  to  1917  foreigners  paid  almost  no  taxes 
upon  the  product  of  their  wells.  The  Mexican 
Government  is  sincere  in  the  conviction  that  it  is 
well  within  its  rights  in  enacting  the  new  law, 
which  is  merely  the  reassertion  of  a constitutional 
principle. 

There  is  a growing  disposition  to  come  to  a 
clear  and  amicable  understanding  on  the  subject 
with  the  United  States.  This  attitude  was  warmly 
expressed  by  Senor  Palavicini,  one  of  the  present  can- 
didates for  the  presidency,  who  said  to  me  recently : 

“The  revolutionary  movement  has  intensified 
the  nationalistic  spirit.  The  cry,  ‘Mexico  for  the 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  in 


Mexicans’  has,  I admit,  gone  too  far.  But,  as  to 
oil,  the  new  law  here  is  practically  no  different 
from  that  in  most  of  the  other  civilized  countries. 

We  recognize  that  we  must  live  as  neighbors  to 
the  United  States.  We  know  that  she  is  much 
stronger  than  we  are.  And,  even  having  the  pure 
technical  right  on  our  side,  it  may  not  be  con- 
venient to  follow  these  rights  to  their  logical  con- 
clusion, I wish  that  the  Government  would  take 
the  opportunity  offered  them  to  send  a well- 
versed  lawyer  to  the  United  States  to  explain  to 
the  public  in  general  the  Mexican  position.  I 
think  we  have  been  too  nationalistic  in  our  pro- 
gram. We  need  to  let  the  people  in  the  United 
States  know  what  we  think,  and  that  we  are 
willing  to  make  certain  sacrifices,  in  order  to  live 
in  peace  and  harmony.” 

The  same  thing  has  been  expressed  a little  dif- 
ferently by  Manuel  Carpio,  another  newspaper 
man  who  knows  the  mind  of  his  country.  He 
says: 

“Mexico  is  utterly  deprived  of  financial  resources 
with  which  to  meet  the  elementary  necessities  of 
public  administration.  School  teachers  have  been 
working  almost  without  pay  in  many  Mexican 
cities,  where  public  schools  have  increased  in 
number.  Municipal  administration  in  the  new 
free  city  governments  has  been  in  a precarious 
state  since  the  beginning  of  the  new  constitutional 
national  administration.  Manufacture  and  agri- 


II2 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


culture,  the  efficiency  of  which  has  been  greatly 
impaired  by  the  national  upheaval,  have  not  been 
able  to  provide  sustenance  for  a large  number  of 
workers  and  have  not  been  a satisfactory  source  of 
revenue  for  the  national  treasury. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  flow  of  oil  out  of  Mexican 
territory  has  taken  place  in  such  tremendous  quan- 
tities that  it  represents  untold  wealth,  leaving  the 
Mexican  nation  practically  nothing  as  the  product 
of  that  gigantic  industry.  The  plan  of  nationaliz- 
ing the  Mexican  oil  fields  was  resorted  to  in  the 
new  Constitution  with  a view  to  raising  a reason- 
able revenue  for  the  benefit  of  the  country,  but 
there  has  been  no  intent  or  action  on  the  part  of 
the  republic  to  ‘grab  American  millions’,  as  Senator 
Porter  puts  it.  Mexico  believes  itself  a free 
country,  albeit  not  a powerful  one.  If  it  relin- 
quishes all  its  rights  to  modify  laws  affecting  its 
greatest  national  resource  because  of  the  claims  of 
‘private  property’  and  of  ‘concessions’  to  foreign 
enterprises,  then  it  cannot  call  itself  a nation,  but 
will  virtually  become  the  property  of  these  enter- 
prises. 

It  is  of  paramount  importance  to  note  that  there 
is  really  no  purpose  in  the  Mexican  mind,  however 
backward  it  may  be  rated  by  other  minds,  to  take 
away  from  the  owners  the  things  that  belong  to 
them.  There  is  only  the  purpose  of  obtaining  from 
them,  through  necessary  taxation,  a proportional, 
and  by  no  means  high,  revenue  for  the  benefit  of 
the  country.” 

It  has  always  seemed  to  me  that  the  President’s 
greatest  fault  was  his  ultra-nationalism.  How  far 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  113 


he  has  thought  this  necessary  to  keep  his  own 
people  with  him,  and  how  far  it  represents  his 
own  attitude,  I am  not  sure.  He  has  failed  to 
accept  many  opportunities  that  the  American 
Government  and  people  have  offered  for  the 
assistance  of  Mexico. 

No  one  who  knows  him  intimately,  however, 
could  doubt  his  profound  respect  and  admiration 
for  American  civilization.  He  has  shown  himself 
especially  fond  of  the  American  educational  sys- 
tem. During  his  public  life  he  has  been  the  means 
of  sending  many  scores  of  students  and  teachers 
to  the  United  States  to  study  her  educational 
system.  All  through  his  life  he  has  been  a firm 
friend  to  American  Protestant  schools  in  Mexico. 
He  has  been  at  times  severely  criticized  by  his 
own  people  for  showing  marked  friendship  to 
certain  American  citizens.  His  most  trusted 
counselors  have  been  notably  pro-American.  An 
example  of  this  was  found  recently  when  the  rela- 
tions with  the  Americem  oil  men  in  the  Tampico 
District  became  acute  and  the  President,  as 
already  stated,  selected  Dr.  Andr6s  Osuna,  a man 
who  has  lived  in  this  country  for  many  years  and 
is  a thorough  admirer  of  American  life,  to  become 
Military  Governor  of  the  State,  in  order  to  work 
out  the  problem  with  the  American  financiers. 

President  Carranza  is  an  extremely  hard  worker. 
Most  of  all  his  waking  hours  are  spent  in  the  Na- 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


114 

tional  Palace.  He  does  not  live  in  the  Chapultepec 
Palace,  which  he  has  every  right  to  do,  but  in  a 
modest  home  on  the  Paseo  de  la  Reforma.  His 
family  makes  no  great  effort  at  display.  He  main- 
tains all  around  him  a dignified,  democratic 
atmosphere,  and  retains  the  simple  habits  of  a 
plainsman.  He  often  walks  of  mornings,  accom- 
panied by  a friend,  from  his  residence  to  the  gov- 
ernment palace,  a distance  of  some  mile  and  a 
half.  He  is  a total  abstainer  from  liquor  and 
tobacco,  and  a disciplinarian  in  big  as  well  as  in 
these  little  things.  He  rises  at  five  o’clock.  His 
tall,  wiry  figure — he  is  more  than  six  feet  high — 
is  set  up  like  a soldier’s,  and  a long  gray  beard 
below  his  smooth-shaven  sunburned  cheeks  accen- 
tuates the  dominating,  patriarchal  type  of  man 
that  he  is.  That  he  keeps  his  word  is  illustrated 
by  his  refusal,  in  spite  of  all  pressure,  to  run  for  the 
presidency  a second  time. 

Carranza  is  a man  of  sturdy  intellect,  though  he 
is  not  strictly  of  the  "intellectual  class,”  as  it  is 
understood  in  Latin-America.  He  is  rather  of  the 
country  gentleman  type.  However,  he  is  a well- 
educated  man.  He  reads  the  classics  and  delights 
in  them.  He  is  especially  well  versed  in  history. 
He  knows  not  only  every  detail  of  the  history  of 
his  own  country,  but  he  is  well  read  in  the  history 
of  ancient  peoples  and  the  development  of  modern 
states.  From  the  standpoint  of  his  gentlemanly 


WHAT  KIND  OF  MAN  IS  CARRANZA?  115 


appearance  and  accomplishments,  he  would  be  as 
much  at  home  in  the  White  House  at  Washington 
as  President  Wilson  would  be  in  visiting  the 
National  Palace  in  Mexico. 

What  is  President  Carranza  religiously?  It  is 
difficult  to  say.  I suppose  that  he  would  say  to 
the  census-taker  that  he  is  a Catholic.  Some 
have  thought  that  he  is  a Protestant,  because  of 
his  friendship  toward  the  Protestant  schools  and 
his  fondness  for  appointing  Protestants  to  office. 
But  he  probably  is  neither  a Protestant  nor  a 
Catholic,  as  these  bodies  would  define  a faithful 
member.  He  certainly  is  utterly  out  of  sympathy 
with  the  Roman  Catholic  hierarchical  system  and 
its  endeavor  to  control  politics.  He  has  never 
made  any  kind  of  confession  of  the  Protestant 
faith.  He  believes  in  God,  in  Christ,  in  the  Bible, 
and  in  the  power  of  the  Christian  Church  as  a 
restraining  and  ennobling  influence  in  society. 
He  was  not  in  favor  of  the  radical  restrictions  on 
religion  in  the  Constitution  of  1917,  and  has 
recently  proposed  to  Congress  the  amendment 
of  these  articles,  as  the  Executive  is  permitted  to  do 
under  the  Mexican  Constitution.  Like  most 
public  men,  he  has  been  represented  as  very 
immoral  in  his  personal  life;  but,  having  known 
him  intimately  for  many  years,  knowing  both  his 
friends  and  his  enemies,  having  taken  some  pains 


ii6  INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 
to  find  out  what  manner  of  man  he  is,  I am  a firm 
believer  in  Venustiano  Carranza  as  a man  of 
clean  life,  of  high  moral  purpose,  intensely  devoted, 
though  sometimes  mistaken  in  policy,  to  the  in- 
terests of  his  country. 


CHAPTER  IV 


WHAT  MEXICANS  THINK  OF 
AMERICANS 

In  order  to  understand  properly  what  Mexicans 
think  of  North  Americans,  we  should  inquire  first 
what  all  Latin-Americans  think  of  us.  For,  in  all 
the  discussion  concerning  the  relations  of  the  two 
countries,  the  fact  that  Mexicans  are  Latin- 
Americans — not  Saxon-Americans — must  be  kept 
in  mind.  The  Latin-Americans  conserve  two 
famous  pictures  of  North  Americans  which  are 
representative  of  the  popular  conceptions  on  the 
subject.  One  picture  is  found  in  a cartoon  and  the 
other  in  a poem.  The  cartoon,  published  in  a 
Chilean  paper,  was  based  on  the  incident  related 
to  the  collection  of  the  Alsop  claims  by  our  State 
Department.  When  the  time  came  for  Chile  to 
settle  this  account,  Chile  claimed  she  owed  several 
million  dollars  less  than  the  Alsop  family  wished  to 
collect.  Our  State  Department  was  asked  to 
demand  full  payment  of  this  sum.  This  Chile 
refused,  but  said  she  was  willing  to  submit  the 
matter  to  arbitration.  The  State  Department  said 
it  was  not  a matter  to  be  arbitrated,  and  threatened 
to  withdraw  our  Minister  immediately  if  the  full 


ri8 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


claim  was  not  settled.  The  cartoon  growing  out 
of  this  incident  pictured  an  American  as  a great, 
tall,  portly  gentleman,  with  silk  hat,  frock  coat, 
big  diamond  in  the  front  of  his  shirt,  and  a gold- 
headed cane.  He  was  saying  to  a little  boy,  “My 
son,  get  to  thyself  riches — with  honesty,  if  it  may 
be — but  by  all  means  get  to  thyself  riches.”  This 
cartoon  was  applauded  all  over  Latin- America  as  an 
expression  of  the  way  they  look  on  North  Americans. 

For  a long  time  after  coming  into  close  contact 
with  Latin-Americans,  I resented  hotly  this 
accusation  that  we  Americans  cared  more  for  the 
dollars  than  for  anything  else.  But  since  I have 
studied  the  records  of  our  State  Department, 
which  show  how  most  of  our  dealings  with  those 
countries  have  been  in  connection  with  insuring  a 
clear  road  for  our  investors,  I have  not  found  it  at 
all  difficult  to  understand  the  viewpoint  of  our 
neighbors.  Some  one  said  recently:  “Don’t  get 
excited  about  our  going  to  war  with  Mexico.  It 
took  the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania,  with  the  loss  of 
the  lives  of  hundreds  of  our  citizens,  and  a score 
of  insults  before  we  would  go  to  war  with  even 
the  arch-enemy  of  humanity,  Germany.”  True, 
but  our  property  interests  were  not  at  stake. 
Property  has  always  been  a most  sacred  thing  to 
Anglo-Saxons.  The  loss  of  American  lives  in 
Mexico,  which  might  be  expected  during  so  much 
fighting,  will  not  be  the  reason  for  our  intervening 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS  119 

there.  It  may  well  serve  as  the  pretext  and  other 
lives  yet  might  be  lost,  in  order  so  to  complicate 
the  situation  as  to  compel  every  loyal  American 
to  defend  with  his  life  the  honor  of  his  country. 
But  the  real  reason  for  our  making  war  on  Mexico, 
if  we  do,  will  be  in  order  to  protect  American  in- 
vestors. Of  course  the  great  majority  of  our 
people  would  not  knowingly  consent  to  make  war 
for  that  reason.  But  it  would  not  take  a great 
deal  more  misrepresentation  by  the  American  press 
about  the  chaos  that  exists  in  Mexico  than  we  now 
have,  if  there  were  only  another  sensational  border 
raid  or  two,  quite  easily  arranged,  to  make  the 
majority  honestly  vote  such  a war  “for  the  good 
of  Mexico.”  Only  years  afterward,  just  as  it  has 
proved  with  our  first  war  with  Mexico,  would  we 
come  to  realize  the  injustice  involved. 

The  American  people  are  as  a whole,  as  Henri 
Bergson  has  recently  said,  the  most  idealistic 
people  in  the  world.  The  hundred  incidents, 
where  the  power  of  this  great  nation  has  been  put 
behind  our  investors  in  forcing  certain  actions  on 
Latin-American  governments,  have  never  been 
heard  of  by  one-tenth  of  one  per  cent  of  our  peo- 
ple and  they  do  not  represent  the  majority.  But 
these  acts  have  had  the  same  drastic  effect  and 
have  given  rise  to  the  same  hatred  and  suspicion 
of  our  whole  people,  as  if  they  had  been  voted 
for  by  every  American  citizen.  Of  course  such 


120 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


incidents  do  not  appear  in  our  literature,  save  in 
dusty  archives.  But  let  one  talk  with  Latin- 
Americans  and  read  their  “best  sellers”  and  he  will 
be  astounded  at  references  to  scores  of  these  mat- 
ters, concerning  which  he  has  never  heard. 

President  Wilson  has  Intimated  something  of 
the  effects  of  this  diplomacy  in  the  following  words: 

“There  is  one  peculiarity  about  the  history  of  the 
Latin-American  States  of  which  I am  sure  they  are 
keenly  aware.  You  hear  of  ‘concessions’  to  foreign 
capitalists  In  Latin- America.  You  do  not  hear  of 
concessions  granted  to  foreign  capitalists  in  the 
United  States.  They  are  not  granted  concessions. 
They  are  invited  to  make  investments.  The 
work  is  ours,  though  they  are  welcome  to  invest  in 
it.  We  do  not  ask  them  to  supply  the  capital  and 
do  the  work.  It  is  an  invitation,  not  a privilege; 
and  states  that  are  obliged,  because  their  territory 
does  not  lie  within  the  main  field  of  modem  enter- 
prise and  action,  to  grant  concessions  are  in  this 
condition,  that  foreign  interests  are  apt  to  dominate 
their  domestic  affairs,  a condition  of  affairs  always 
dangerous  and  apt  to  become  intolerable.” 

It  was  this  intolerable  dominance  of  foreign 
capitalists  in  the  affairs  of  Latin-Americans  that 
caused  Rub^n  Dario,  the  greatest  of  Latin- 
American  poets,  to  write  the  poem  to  which  I 
have  referred.  A few  lines  of  this  poem  follow: 

“ ’Tis  only  with  the  Bible  and  Walt  Whitman’s 
verse. 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS  i2i 

That  you  the  mighty  hunter  are  reached  by  other 
men. 

You’re  primitive  and  modern,  you’re  simple  and 
complex, 

A veritable  Nimrod,  with  aught  of  Washington. 

You  are  the  United  States. 

You  are  the  future  foe 

Of  free  America  that  keeps  its  Indian  blood, 

That  prays  to  Jesus  Christ,,  and  speaks  in 
Spanish  still. 

You  are  a fine  example  of  a strong  and  haughty 
race.  . . 

The  United  States  are  rich ; they’re  powerful  and 
great 

They  join  the  cult  of  Mammon  or  that  of  Her- 
cules, 

And  when  they  stir  or  roar  the  very  Andes 
shake.  . . 

And  though  you  count  on  all,  one  thing  is  lack- 
ing-God!”i 

Manuel  Ugarte,  in  his  book,  “El  Porvenir  de 
la  America  Latina”,  says; 

“It  is  evident  that  nothing  attracts  us  toward 
our  neighbors  of  the  north.  By  her  origin,  her 
education,  and  her  spirit.  South  America  is  essen- 
tially European.  We  feel  ourselves  akin  to  Spain, 
to  whom  we  owe  our  civilization,  and  whose  fire 
we  carry  in  our  blood ; to  France,  source  and  origin 
of  the  thought  that  animates  us;  to  England,  who 
sends  us  her  gold  freely ; to  Germany,  who  supplies 
us  with  her  manufactures;  and  to  Italy,  who  gives 


* Version  of  E.  C.  Hills. 


122 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


us  the  arms  of  her  sons  to  wrest  from  the  soil  the 
wealth  which  is  to  distribute  itself  over  the  world. 
But  to  the  United  States  we  are  united  by  no  ties 
but  those  of  distrust  and  fear.” 

Calderdn,  the  ambassador  of  Peru  to  France, 
in  his  book  “Latin  America,  Its  Rise  and  Progress,” 
referring  to  Pan-American  Congresses,  says: 

“The  Iberian  nations  confess  publicly  their 
enthusiasm  for  Pan-Americanism,  as  does  the 
Yankee  Republic  its  spiritual  enthusiasm.  Pla- 
tonic declarations  are  succeeded  by  useless  prom- 
ises. The  desired  fusion  of  Saxons  and  Latins  does 
not  advance.  In  Buenos  Aires,  Americo  Lugo,  a 
delegate  from  the  Plains,  denounces  the  expansion 
of  the  North.  In  dailies  and  magazines,  eloquent 
thinkers  condemn  these  rhetorical  organizations 
which  preach  union  while  Saxon  ambition  dis- 
members Panama,  agitates  Nicaragua,  and  over- 
turns Mexico.  . . Will  they  not  be  able  to 

make  a declaration  in  the  future  limiting  the 
amount  of  European  capital  which  can  be  invested 
in  each  republic,  or  determine  the  numerical 
importance  of  the  current  of  immigration?  Thus 
successful,  they  would  impose  on  free  peoples  a 
hard  tutelage.  For  moral  suasion  they  will  sub- 
stitute an  imperative  catechism.” 

Those  words,  of  course,  were  tvritten  before  the 
World  War.  I must  say  that  in  my  last  trip 
through  South  America,  in  1917,  I found  a change 
in  her  attitude  toward  us,  largely  due,  of  course,  to 
our  entrance  into  the  War.  Latin-Americans 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


123 


now  say;  “For  the  first  time  in  your  history,  we 
see  that  you  are  idealistic.  We  see  that  you  have 
been  willing  to  renounce  certain  profits  on  muni- 
tions and  other  things,  in  order  that  you  might  go 
into  a war  to  make  the  world  safe  for  democracy.” 
When  in  Chile,  in  1914,  I heard  on  every 
hand  unpleasant  references  to  the  United  States. 
The  students  of  the  universities  were  particularly 
hostile.  This  time,  when  I called  upon  a professor 
in  the  National  University,  I was  asked  to  address 
one  of  his  English  classes  and  later  on,  another, 
till  I found  myself  giving  a whole  morning  of  talks. 
These  led  to  a conference  at  one  of  the  big  theaters, 
secured  for  the  occasion  by  the  university  students. 
The  theme  they  wanted  me  to  discuss  was,  “How 
to  Develop  Closer  Relations  between  the  United 
States  and  Chile.”  At  the  close  of  the  lecture  a full 
hour  was  spent  answering  their  eager  and  pointed 
questions.  I spoke  very  frankly,  analyzing  the 
good  and  bad  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  the  Latin, 
pointing  out  why  each  had  failed  to  understand  the 
other  in  the  past.  That  session  with  these  bril- 
liant young  people  was  a most  delightful  experi- 
ence. Their  hunger  for  knowledge  of  North 
American  life,  particularly  concerning  our  uni- 
versities, was  amazing  and  refreshing. 

In  Pernambuco  I met  accidentally  the  director 
of  the  law  school  that  has  trained  the  leaders  of 
northern  Brazil  for  half  a century.  He  invited 


124 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


me  to  give  an  address  to  the  students  on  “Closer 
Intellectual  Relationships  between  the  Two  Ameri- 
cas.” This  occasion  became  quite  a demonstration 
of  international  friendliness,  the  official  life  of  the 
city  being  represented. 

In  Paraguay  our  party  of  four  North  Americans 
was  taken  in  hand  by  the  National  Director  of 
Public  Instruction,  our  entertainment  being  di- 
rected by  the  Government.  These  people  showed 
in  many  ways  their  real  desire  for  friendship  with 
the  United  States. 

The  following  editorial,  published  July  4,  1917, 
in  a leading  daily  of  Buenos  Aires,  shows  what  the 
entrance  of  the  United  States  into  the  War  did 
toward  changing  this  attitude: 

“The  circumstances  in  which  we  find  ourselves 
today  on  this  anniversary  of  the  North  American 
nation  serve  to  define  a double  principle  of 
Americanism  and  democracy.  This  celebration  in 
other  years  has  been  an  occasion  for  rejoicing  only 
for  the  United  States.  She  could  with  patriotic 
joy  stop  in  her  march  and  contemplate  with 
satisfaction  the  road  traveled  since  the  days  of 
that  memorable  declaration.  . . Other  people 

joined  the  celebration  with  a cordiality  more  official 
and  diplomatic  than  real. 

Today  all  is  different.  The  United  States,  by 
the  power  of  that  great  republican  virtue  which  is 
the  supporter  of  the  right,  is  for  the  whole  world 
not  only  a nation  engaged  in  a knightly  war,  but  an 
apostle  in  action.  Some  four  years  ago  the  Latin 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


125 


author,  Rub6n  Dano,  was  able  to  say,  led  astray 
by  superficial  observations,  that  the  United  States, 
which  had  everything,  lacked  but  one  thing — God. 
Today  this  can  not  be  said,  for  the  crusade  of  the 
United  States  and  the  serene  and  eloquent  words 
of  Wilson  have  a religious  character,  now  that  they 
intimate  the  abandonment  and  disregard  of  mate- 
rial interests  in  the  face  of  the  defense  of  the  ideal. 

Quietly,  without  the  sound  of  trumpets  or  noise, 
the  United  States  has  entered  the  contest,  and 
thus  it  returns  to  noble  France  the  generous  contri- 
bution of  that  great  Frenchman,  Lafayette,  the 
American  national  hero.  If  America  stands  for 
anything  in  the  world  and  in  history,  it  is  liberty. 
Other  peoples  have  been  formed  by  reason  of  con- 
quest, or  of  religion,  but  the  Americans  were  born 
out  of  the  idea  of  liberty.-  . In}  this  sentiment  is 
found  the  unity  of  San  Martin,  Bolivar,  and 
Washington.  It  matters  little  that  history  regis- 
ters this  or  that  disturbance,  and  this  or  that 
variation.  That  is  the  sentiment,  and  that  is 
the  thing  that,  after  conquering  all  cruel  tyrannies 
and  retrogressive  seditions,  has  overcome  all. 

So  in  the  awful  conflict  which  today  is  shaking 
the  world,  the  United  States  is  bearing  the  burden 
of  all  America,  because  she  is  on  the  side  of  liberty. 
She  is  the  big  sister  in  years  and  in  power  among 
the  American  nations.  This  place  belongs  to  her, 
and  worthily  has  she  taken  it.” 

For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  a South 
American  nation,  Brazil  openly  declared  that  the 
prime  reason  for  her  taking  a serious  political  step 
was  to  follow  the  leadership  of  the  United  States. 


126 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


In  her  note  to  the  other  South  American  powers, 
announcing  the  breaking  of  relationships  with 
Germany,  she  said : 

“Brazil  has  never  had,  nor  has  it  now,  warlike 
ambitions.  If  it  has  heretofore  abstained  from 
taking  sides  in  the  European  conflict,  it  has  not 
been  able  to  continue  indifferent  since  the  United 
States  has  been  drawm  into  the  War  without  any 
further  motives  than  simply  those  of  action  in  the 
name  of  international  justice  and  order.  . . If 

up  to  the  present  the  relative  lack  of  reciprocity 
on  the  part  of  the  American  republics  has  deprived 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  of  its  real  character,  permit- 
ting an  interpretation  scarcely  founded  on  the 
prerogative  of  sovereignty,  the  present  conditions 
place  Brazil  at  the  side  of  the  United  States  of 
America  at  this  critical  moment  in  the  history 
of  the  world,  and  continue  to  give  our  political 
relationships  a practical  form  of  continental 
solidarity.” 

In  the  same  way  Panama,  in  its  recent  declara- 
tion of  war,  said  that,  “Neutrality  is  impossible  in 
a conflict  where  the  vital  interests  of  the  United 
States  are  involved,”  and  Cuba,  Bolivia,  Paraguay, 
and  other  countries  have  given  voice  to  similar 
sentiments. 

The  recent  visit  of  the  North  American  fleet 
under  the  command  of  Admiral  Caperton  to 
South  American  waters  has  promoted  these 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


127 


friendly  relations  in  a remarkable  way.  In  order 
that  the  fleet  might  visit  Montevideo  when  Uru- 
guay had  not  yet  broken  relations  with  the  Cen- 
tral Powers,  the  Government  promulgated  the 
following  special  decree,  which  will  no  doubt  be  of 
great  weight  in  future  international  relationships 
in  America:  “It  is  hereby  declared  that  no  Ameri- 
can nation  will  be  considered  as  a belligerent  which 
is  in  a state  of  war  in  defense  of  its  rights  against 
any  nation  outside  of  America.” 

So  Latin-Americans  have  been  turned  to  us  in  a 
new  and  remarkable  way  in  the  last  two  years. 
They  are  now  keenly  interested  to  see  whether  we 
will  continue  to  show  our  idealism  or  whether  we 
will  be  encouraged  by  our  remarkable  military 
victory  to  drop  into  a still  more  threatening  atti- 
tude toward  our  small  neighbors.  Those  living  in 
the  United  States  are  already  becoming  impressed 
by  the  talk  like  the  following,  which  is  all  too 
common:  “Oh,  it  was  all  right  during  the  War, 
when  we  needed  to  arouse  patriotism,  to  talk  of 
fighting  to  make  the  world  safe  for  Democracy. 
But  that  was  only  a war  cry.  We  all  know  we 
were  in  the  War  to  protect  ourselves.”  If  we  are 
to  slip  down  into  materialism,  take  advantage  of 
our  power  to  exploit  others,  plan  intervention  in 
the  affairs  of  our  next-door  neighbor,  and  throw 
our  oppressive  hand  over  Latin-America,  then  we 
can  not  expect  anything  but  that  Latin-America 


128  INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO* 

will  swing  again  in  opposition  to  us,  and,  of  course, 
the  last  state  will  be  worse  than  the  first. 

Turning  directly  to  the  Latin- American  country 
we  are  now  discussing,  Mexico,  let  us  take  first  a 
brief  glance  at  the  historic  relations  with  our  next- 
door  neighbor,  considering  first  those  of  a diplo- 
matic character.  At  the  beginning  these  promised 
to  be  cordial  from  our  standpoint,  for  we  sympa- 
thized with  the  youthful  republic  to  the  south  that 
had  recently  thrown  off  the  Spanish  yoke.  But 
from  the  other  side  there  were  certain  disadvan- 
tages. Spanish  colonies  had  not  been  allowed  to 
trade  with  any  countries  except  Spain.  Both  the 
Government  and  the  Church  wanted  to  keep  out 
outside  influence;  they  did  not  want  the  status  quo 
of  the  people  to  be  disturbed ; so  no  new  thoughts 
or  heretical  ideas  of  government,  especially  from 
the  United  States,  were  allowed  to  enter.  Our 
first  diplomatic  representative  to  Mexico,  Joel  R. 
Poinsett,  appointed  in  1825,  accordingly  had  a 
difficult  position.  Fortunately  he  was  a cultured 
gentleman,  spoke  Spanish  as  well  as  the  Mexicans 
themselves,  and  was  a polished  diplomat.  But  in 
the  maze  of  Mexican  politics  he  made  wrong 
impressions,  came  to  be  regarded  with  suspicion, 
and  in  a little  while  withdrew,  leaving  a great  deal 
of  prejudice  against  the  United  States  and  a 
feeling  that  some  day  Mexico  would  have  to 
fight  us. 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


129 


Our  second  minister,  Anthony  Butler,  was  a 
bluffer  and  a rascal.  He  was  found  to  be  inter- 
ested in  some  lands  over  in  Texas  at  the  same  time 
that  he  was  proposing  to  Mexico  that  the  United 
States  should  buy  that  state.  He  insisted  on  this 
transaction  a good  while  after  Mexico  gave  him  to 
understand  that  it  was  not  acceptable.  His 
troubles  thickened  and  finally,  after  insulting  a 
Mexican  cabinet  officer,  he  retired  in  disgrace,  it 
having  been  proved  in  both  Mexico  and  the 
United  States  that  he  was  absolutely  dishonest. 
About  1835  and  1836,  there  developed  certain 
claims  by  Americans  on  account  of  the  destruction 
of  American  property  by  Mexicans  during  inces- 
sant political  turmoil.  President  Jackson  asked 
for  a commission  to  be  appointed  to  adjust  mat- 
ters. This  commission  was  appointed  and  worked 
five  or  six  years  without  getting  much  satisfaction, 
Mexico  blocking  the  matter  with  many  diplomatic 
maneuvers. 

The  separation  of  Texas  from  Mexico  came  in 
1836.  Though  the  United  States  was  not  responsi- 
ble for  this,  Mexico  naturally  thought  she  was, 
inasmuch  as  Texas  was  largely  settled  by  United 
States  citizens.  After  refuting  the  charges  specifi- 
cally, Daniel  Webster  said:  “The  conduct  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  in  regard  to  the 
war  between  Mexico  and  Texas,  having  always 
hitherto  been  governed  by  a strict  and  impartial 


130 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


regard  to  its  neutral  obligations,  will  not  be 
changed  or  altered  in  any  respect  or  in  any  degree.” 
If  the  United  States  had  the  best  of  that  diplo- 
matic bout,  it  was  far  different  in  the  next,  which 
resulted  in  Tyler’s  annexation  treaty  with  Texas. 

Shannon,  our  next  minister,  went  down  with  the 
difficult  duty  of  informing  Mexico  concerning  this 
fact.  He  was  a first-class  politician  at  home,  but 
no  diplomat  for  a foreign  land.  He  so  bungled  his 
mission  that  one  of  the  papers  of  the  United  States 
called  for  his  return  home  that  it  might  measure 
his  ears  to  see  how  long  they  were.  The  Mexican 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  an  artist  in  framing 
phrases,  after  putting  poor  Sharmon  in  the  most 
ridiculous  light,  caused  Alexico  to  break  off  rela- 
tions fair  and  square  with  the  United  States.  So 
ended  the  first  chapter,  with  little  satisfaction  on 
either  side.  Then  came  the  Mexican  War.  This 
was  the  most  unfortunate  event  in  all  our  national 
life.  Most  of  our  historians  agree  that  the  Mexi- 
can War  was  an  unjust,  unfair,  political  contest. 
We  took  about  one-half  of  Mexico’s  territory,  for 
which  we  paid  $15,000,000.  A little  later  we 
bought  more  territory  for  $10,000,000  to  add  to 
what  had  been  taken.  That  war,  of  course,  was 
the  greatest  of  all  the  causes  of  the  distrust  of  the 
United  States  on  the  part  of  Mexico. 

Relations  did  not  improve  greatly  between  the 
two  countries  following  the  war,  until  Lincoln 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


131 

came  into  the  presidency.  He  instructed  our 
minister  to  go  to  Mexico  and  show  an  attitude  of 
cordiality,  frankness,  friendship,  and  even  mag- 
nanimity. At  that  time  Juarez  was  making  his 
tremendous  struggles  against  the  reactionary 
forces,  and  disorder  reigned  in  Mexico.  Later 
Maximilian,  supported  by  the  French  Emperor 
and  the  Papacy,  endeavored  to  establish  his 
empire.  Juarez  vigorously  opposed  this  effort. 

After  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  was  invoked  by  Secretary  of  State  Seward 
who  informed  Napoleon  that  his  French  troops 
must  be  retired,  and  they  were.  For  that  reason, 
Juarez  was  able  to  conquer  Maximilian,  regain 
the  Mexican  capital,  and  restore  the  national  gov- 
ernment. Thus  the  United  States  enabled  Mexico 
to  save  herself  from  foreign  domination  at  the 
only  time  when  she  was  seriously  threatened.  This 
was  a big,  fine  service,  the  bright  and  shining 
star  in  the  clouded  sky  of  our  relationships.  Mexi- 
cans are  profoundly  appreciative  of  it. 

Following  Juarez  came  Diaz  with  his  endeavor 
to  bring  into  Mexico  foreign  capital,  especially 
American.  Some  English  capital  had  been  in- 
vested in  Mexico  already.  Beginning  in  1824, 
John  Taylor  had  appealed  in  an  interesting  pamph- 
let to  the  British  public  for  such  investment.  The 
first  railroad  in  Mexico  was  built  by  British  capital 
from  Vera  Cruz  to  Mexico  City. 


132 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


When  the  question  arose  of  allowing  American 
capital  to  build  railroads  connecting  Mexico  with 
the  United  States,  there  was  serious  consideration 
of  the  matter,  which  shows  that  dread  of  the  over- 
whelming strength  of  the  United  States  which  has 
always  possessed  the  Mexican  mind.  Don  Pablo 
Macedo,  in  his  book  on  “Mexico  and  the  United 
States”  tells  of  the  conferences  which  preceded  the 
adoption  of  the  railroad  policy  in  Mexico.  He  says : 

“In  deciding  on  the  gauge  the  truth  is  that  the 
question  was  discussed,  whether  or  not  they  should 
accept  the  gauge  adopted  by  their  neighbors  of  the 
Northern  Republic.  It  was  a consideration  of  the 
gravest  moment,  and  transcended  all  others.  No 
one,  and  still  less  statesmen  of  the  status  of  Senor 
Lerdo  de  Tejada,  has  ever  been  blind  to  the  danger 
that  we  run  from  the  nearness  of  our  colossal 
neighbor  on  the  north.  In  comparison  with  the 
United  States — more’s  the  pity — we  must  confess 
that  we  then  figured,  and  we  still  do,  as  a mere  pig- 
my. Besides  this  the  sad  memory  of  the  iniquitous 
war  of  1847,  which  cost  us  the  half  of  our  territory, 
is  more  than  enough  cause  to  excite  uneasiness  and 
even  dread.  Such  apprehension  is  certainly  not 
unreasonable  or  groundless.  As  a consequence, 
the  distinct  object  of  our  international  policy  has 
necessarily  always  been,  in  the  first  place,  to  grow 
by  natural  expansion,  to  fortify  our  national  organ- 
isms, and  then  to  seek  from  the  other  side  of  the 
Atlantic  a support  which  alone  can  be  efficacious 
by  creating,  acclimatizing,  and  strengthening 
European  interests  and  elements.  Unfortunately, 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


133 


the  unjustifiable  French  intervention,  obliging  us 
to  sustain  a war  a I'outrance  in  order  to  preserve 
our  very  existence  as  a nation,  interrupted  our 
organic  development,  and  not  only  weakened  our 
position,  physically,  through  the  material  sacrifices 
which  we  had  to  make,  but  morally,  by  creating 
divisions  greater  than  had  previously  existed.  The 
blood  of  Maximilian  created  an  abyss  between 
Europe  and  Mexico.  His  death,  though  it  may 
have  been  the  only  means,  sad  as  it  was,  of  securing 
internal  peace,  estranged  the  sympathies  of  those 
nations  which  then  exercised  preponderating  in- 
fluence in  Europe.” 

Although  we  did  not  recognize  the  Diaz  Gov- 
ernment for  two  years,  he  did  not  hold  that 
against  us,  and  his  Invitation  to  American  capital 
and  American  missionaries  soon  put  the  two 
countries  on  the  most  cordial  terms  they  had  ever 
enjoyed.  We  built  railroads  and  opened  mines, 
and  for  twenty-five  years  we  had  very  cordial  re- 
lations with  Mexico,  at  least  as  far  as  diplomacy 
was  concerned.  Then  came  the  turbulent  time  of 
recent  years,  beginning  with  the  Madero  Revolu- 
tion in  1910,  since  which  our  diplomacy  has  been 
turned  topsy  turvy. 

Without  taking  into  account  the  last  few  years, 
we  can  see  by  the  review  of  the  hundred  years 
preceding  that  relations  have  been  a series  of  mis- 
understandings. I have  already  referred  to  the 
struggle  of  the  financial  interests  of  the  United 


134 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


States  and  England  over  oil  wells  in  Mexico, 
Madero  favoring  American  interests  and  Diaz 
favoring  English  interests,  and  the  fact  that  this 
feeling  was  so  acute  that  some  people  thought  that 
it  was  the  whole  explanation  of  the  fight  between 
IMadero  and  Diaz.  Our  diplomatic  relations  suf- 
fered no  break  during  that  revolution  and  con- 
tinued cordial  on  into  Madero’s  presidency, 
although  the  latter  claimed  that  our  ambassador, 
Henry  Lane  Wilson,  was  in  sympathy  with  the 
reactionaries. 

In  February,  1913,  Felix  Diaz  and  Bernardo 
Reyes  broke  jail  in  Mexico  City,  where  they  had 
been  imprisoned  as  leaders  of  a rebellion  against 
Madero,  and  placed  themselves  at  the  head  of  the 
rebel  forces  representing  the  old  Diaz  group. 
Huerta  was  entrusted  with  the  command  of  the 
Madero  troops.  In  order  to  stop  the  fighting, 
which  continued  for  ten  days,  a conference  was 
held  in  the  American  Embassy  with  the  American 
Ambassador  present,  and  Huerta  agreed  to  turn 
traitor  to  Madero,  who  was  made  prisoner  and 
afterward  shot.  An  inside  and  moving  story  of 
those  terrible  days  (“La  decena  tragica”)  has  been 
written  by  Sr.  Marcos  Sterling,  then  Cuban  Minis- 
ter in  Mexico.  The  President  and  Vice-President 
of  Mexico  were  put  to  death  on  February  22. 

If  our  diplomatic  relations  with  the  Diaz  regime 
were  very  smooth,  the  Mexican  people  were  led  in 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


135 


many  cases  to  dislike  the  American  more  than 
ever  because  the  latter  seemed  to  be  receiving  all 
the  favors.  Take  the  case  of  the  railroads.  When 
the  United  States  built  the  Mexican  railroads,  the 
Americans  went  over  to  run  them.  For  a long 
time  all  the  engineers,  conductors,  brakemen,  and 
firemen  were  Americans,  while  the  Mexicans  were 
used  only  in  inferior  positions.  But  the  time 
came  when  the  Mexicans  wanted  better  places. 
They  had  learned  in  the  shops  how  to  run  engines 
and  wanted  the  jobs.  The  Americans  naturally 
wanted  to  retain  their  positions  and  claimed  that 
Mexicans  did  not  have  sufficient  intelligence  and 
training  to  carry  the  responsibilities.  The  Ameri- 
cans refused  to  have  train  orders  given  them  ex- 
cept in  the  English  language.  When  the  Mexican 
Government  finally  bought  fifty-one  per  cent  of 
the  stock  they  took  the  stand  that,  when  a Mexi- 
can and  an  American  were  equally  qualified  for  a 
position,  the  Mexican  should  have  it.  The  Ameri- 
cans resigned  in  a body,  two  or  three  thousand  of 
them  leaving  on  the  same  day  for  the  United 
States.  Much  hard  feeling  was  engendered  over 
this  struggle.  The  Mexicans,  on  the  one  hand, 
thought  they  had  more  reason  than  ever  for  charg- 
ing the  Americans  with  selfishness,  and  the  Ameri- 
cans, on  the  other,  came  to  have  less  confidence 
than  ever  in  the  country  and  its  people. 


136 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


Unfortunately,  one  source  of  prejudice  against 
us  is  the  number  of  Americans  who  are  living  in 
Mexico  because  they  could  not  live  in  the  United 
States.  We  have  had  a great  many  Americans  who 
could  not  explain  why  they  were  in  Mexico.  Natu- 
rally, they  do  not  contribute  anything  to  close 
friendship  between  the  two  peoples.  I was  on  the 
train  recently  with  an  American  who  was  telling 
about  Americans  being  persecuted  and  ill-treated 
everywhere  in  Mexico.  The  tourists  were  taking  it 
all  in  until  he  came  to  American  politics.  But 
there  he  showed  he  had  entirely  missed  all  that 
the  modem  world  is  teaching.  His  listeners  saw 
immediately  that  he  was  hopelessly  reactionary. 
But  as  long  as  he  was  discussing  the  Mexican  ques- 
tion the  people  were  taking  it  for  granted  he  was 
an  absolute  authority  on  the  subject,  for  he  had 
lived  there.  Even  our  magazines  publish  articles 
written  by  such  men  who  loiow  nothing  of  national 
development  in  their  own  country  or  any  other, 
have  no  historic  background  whatever,  and  look 
at  the  whole  matter  from  the  standpoint  of 
whether  their  countrymen  in  Mexico  have  as  good 
jobs  as  formerly. 

This  and  kindred  matters  are  well  interpreted 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  Mexicans  by  May 
Austin,  who  says: 

“The  items  of  the  Constitutionalists’  program  at 
which  vested  interests  take  alarm  are,  of  course. 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


137 


the  reform  of  mining  and  land  laws  and  the  land 
tax  system.  Mexico  in  the  past  has  been  not  only 
the  land  of  poco  tiempo,  but  the  paradise  of  special 
privilege.  And  the  man  who  has  looked  upon 
Mexico  as  a place  to  make  twenty-five  per  cent 
on  his  investment  is  the  one  who  thinks  that  the 
only  thing  we  can  do  is  to  go  in  there  and  run 
things  ourselves. 

Such  people  are  always  in  a hurry.  They  don’t 
know  that  a reconstructed  Mexico  will  be  any  the 
worse  for  their  business,  but  they  don’t  want  to 
take  time  to  readjust  themselves,  to  learn  to 
operate  under  a new  system.  In  their  hurry  these 
absentee  investors  are  supported  by  the  Americans 
who  live  in  Mexico  and  work  their  properties  them- 
selves, who,  without  having  any  particular  quarrel 
with  the  revolutionists,  are  impatient  at  the  delays 
and  vexations  which  keep  them  from  their  means 
of  making  a living.  These  people  differ  in  their 
ideas  of  how  the  pacification  of  Mexico  can  be  best 
accomplished,  but  they  all  agree  in  one  thing — they 
want  it  done  quickly,  and  if  that  is  the  quickest 
way  they  are  willing  it  should  be  done  with  a sand- 
bag. Their  chief  objection  to  the  Carranza  way  is 
that  it  will  take  time.  And  to  the  prevailing 
American  cult  of  ‘right  now’  this  appears  a reason- 
able objection. 

We  hear  a great  deal  of  the  disqualification  of  the 
Mexican  temperament  for  dealing  with  national 
values,  its  incontinence,  its  quick  shifts  of  enthu- 
siasm. But  there  is  a much  greater  menace  to  the 
situation  in  the  American  temperament,  with  its 
impatience  of  delay,  its  refusal  to  deal  with  condi- 
tions a little  less  than  obvious. 


138 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


It  is  true  that  the  terms  on  which  mines  and 
plantations  can  be  worked  in  Mexico  are  not  going 
to  be  quite  the  same  under  the  Carrancistas.  The 
whole  tenor  of  the  new  laws,  too  complex  to  go 
into  in  detail,  is  to  make  it  unprofitable  to  hold 
unworked  mining  claims  and  uncultivated  lands. 
This  is  true  not  only  for  foreign  investors,  but  for 
their  own  capitalists  also.  Wages  and  taxes  are 
both  going  to  be  higher.  Wages  and  taxes  will  go 
up  with  the  process  of  nationalization.  And 
whether  or  not  the  present  regime  maintains  it- 
self, it  is  highly  desirable  that  the  process  of 
nationalization  should  go  on  in  Mexico. 

It  must  always  be  borne  in  mind  that  what  has 
been  going  on  there  is  an  economic  revolution. 
The  Constitutionalists  are  men  who  have  learned 
by  heart  the  lesson  that  national  wealth  doesn’t 
necessarily  imply  national  welfare.  That  was  the 
mistake  Diaz  made.  That  he  made  it  with  a 
degree  of  sincerity  did  not  keep  him  from  the 
unpleasant  consequences  of  his  people’s  finding 
out  that  it  was  a mistake.  There  are  not  wanting 
signs  that  even  America  is  not  as  satisfied  with  her 
apportionment  of  wealth  and  welfare  as  she  used 
to  be.  It  will  come  as  a shock  in  some  quarters, 
but  it  has  to  be  admitted  that  First  Chief  Car- 
ranza and  his  compadres  don’t  want  our  system 
foisted  upon  Mexico,  because  they  jolly  well 
don’t  approve.” 

The  uncouth  tourist  is  another  sort  of  American 
who  has  certainly  done  his  part  to  prejudice  Mexi- 
cans against  us.  Stories  like  the  following  could 
be  duplicated  by  the  scores  by  the  average  Mexi- 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


139 


can.  Two  tourists,  walking  by  a magnificent 
Mexican  home  which,  as  usual,  is  built  right  up 
to  the  sidewalk,  see  the  front  door  open  and  a 
piano  inside.  They  walk  in  and  look  around  and 
then  sit  down  and  play  the  piano,  talking  all  the 
time  of  how  surprised  they  are  to  see  that  Mexicans 
have  pianos  and  never  supposing  that  their  English 
is  understood  by  the  cultured  but  enraged  lady  of 
the  house,  whom  they  had  not  deigned  to  notice. 
An  American  woman  of  a rather  confirmed  bru- 
nette type  was  standing  in  her  window  opening 
on  the  sidewalk  and  several  tourists  stopped  and 
looked  her  over,  making  all  kind  of  remarks  about 
her  clothes,  house,  and  other  things,  supposing, 
that,  of  course,  no  one  in  that  far-off  country  spoke 
English.  Just  as  I am  writing  these  lines  a friend 
tells  me  of  returning  from  Mexico  with  some 
American  tourists,  who  as  a part  of  a commercial 
excursion,  had  been  entertained  in  a most  elabo- 
rate manner  by  Government  and  people  in  all 
parts  of  the  Republic.  The  train  arrived  at  the 
border  station  on  the  return  to  the  United  States 
about  2 a.  m.,  but  passengers  were  allowed  to  stay 
in  the  Pullman  till  daylight.  They  were  awakened, 
however,  by  a loud-voiced  tourist  calling  for  a 
corkscrew.  He  was  very  much  put  out  by  the 
Mexican  porter’s  slowness  in  producing  it,  and  in 
tones  that  all  the  passengers,  many  of  them  cul- 
tured Mexicans  who  speak  English,  could  hear,  he 


140  INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 

said  to  his  companion:  “There  are  two  things  I 
could  never  understand  why  the  Lord  made — 
mosquitos  and  Mexicans.” 

The  ill  treatment  received  by  Mexicans  in  this 
country  is  another  thing  which  has  thrown  doubt 
in  the  Mexican  mind  on  our  protestations  of 
democracy.  The  difficulty  wdth  wffiich  these  peo- 
ple, who  live  in  large  numbers  in  the  southwest, 
get  justice  in  our  courts,  schooling  for  their  chil- 
dren, and  any  kind  of  social  life,  is  more  fully 
known  to  their  compatriots  in  Mexico  than  it  is 
to  American  people  who  do  not  live  in  the  midst 
of  these  conditions. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  preju- 
dice and  even  hatred  engendered  in  the  Mexicans 
by  the  misrepresentations  of  the  American  press 
and  by  addresses  of  our  public  men.  Everyone 
who  speaks  publicly  on  Mexico  in  this  country 
should  realize  that  his  utterances  will  be  reported 
in  Mexico  and,  if  offensive,  will  be  played  up  by 
interested  parties  in  the  most  prominent  way.  A 
slightly  different  angle  of  this  question  is  seen  in 
the  discussions  recently  in  Congress  and  our 
papers  concerning  our  buying  of  Lower  California 
and  the  Mexicans’  selling  land  to  the  Japanese. 
The  first  is,  as  Ambassador  Bonillas  said,  not  long 
ago,  like  the  story  of  the  bells.  The  citizens  of  a 
certain  town  got  very  much  excited  over  the  dis- 
cussion as  to  whether  the  bells  should  be  rung  as 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS  141 

a part  of  a celebration  planned.  “But,”  said  some- 
one, finally,  “there  are  no  bells  in  the  town.”  Why 
should  Congressmen  continue  to  talk  about  buy- 
ing Lower  California,  when  Mexico  will  not  sell 
it?  We  estimate  the  Mexican  very  wrongly  when 
we  think  he  cares  more  for  money  than  for  national 
honor.  The  latter  is  the  dearest  possession  he  has. 
Granted  that  his  interpretation  of  it  doesn’t 
always  agree  with  ours,  it  is  there,  however,  and 
our  failure  to  recognize  it  explains  why  we  have 
so  often  failed  in  our  diplomacy.  Among  all  the 
crimes  of  Santa  Anna,  none  looms  so  large  to  the 
average  Mexican  as  his  selling  us  a part  of  what  is 
now  Texas.  Recent  political  storms  would  be 
like  a summer  zephyr  compared  with  the  one  that 
would  be  started  by  the  proposal  of  the  authorities 
to  sell  any  of  their  national  territory,  and  neither 
Carranza  nor  any  other  leader  would  dare  propose 
such  a thing  even  if  he  should  desire  it. 

The  same  statement  applies  to  the  matter  of 
selling  land  that  would  give  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment power  in  Mexico.  There  is  a clause  in  the 
Constitution  which  prevents  selling  land,  within 
one  hundred  kilometers  of  the  border,  to  foreign- 
ers. This  whole  matter  of  Mexico’s  reported  ten- 
dency to  ally  herself  with  Japan  is  one  of  those 
things  which  make  fine  publicity  material  for  cer- 
tain American  interests,  but  have  no  basis  in  fact. 
There  are  less  than  3,000  Japanese  in  Mexico  and 


142 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


no  proof  whatever  has  been  produced  that  the 
Mexican  Government  has  ever  had  secret  dealings 
with  the  Japanese  Government  in  order  to  give 
it  special  privileges  in  America.  Such  stories  are 
tremendously  annoying  to  Mexicans,  who  believe 
it  is  an  evidence  of  the  American’s  lack  of  honor 
that  he  will  attack  the  good  name  of  a neighbor  in 
order  to  carry  his  own  point  in  politics. 

Many  times  when  we  have  tried  to  help  the 
Mexican  he  has  thought  we  were  trying  to  insult 
him.  The  psychology  of  the  two  peoples  is  so  dif- 
ferent— the  American,  worships  truth  and  action, 
the  Mexican  politeness  and  form.  The  “naked 
truth”  of  the  Saxon  must  be  dressed  to  become 
attractive  to  the  Latin,  and  the  “brutal  frankness” 
of  the  former  is  more  of  a crime  to  the  latter  than 
is  a friendly  deception.  In  the  mouth  of  a Mexi- 
can the  famous  expression  of  Clay  might  become: 
“I  had  rather  be  polite  than  President.”  He  likes 
you  if  you  are  “simpdtico,”  appreciative  of  his 
feelings  and  accomplishments,  kind  to  his  family, 
polite  to  his  friends,  and  if  you  enthuse  over  his 
country  and  respect  his  “dignidad,”  personal  and 
national.  “Dignidad”  is  his  own  greatest  posses- 
sion. Failure  to  respect  it  is  the  explanation  of 
the  failure  of  many  a well-intentioned  effort  of 
Americans  to  help  him.  Witness  the  failure  of  our 
Red  Cross  expedition,  blocked  everywhere  be- 
cause the  Mexican  would  rather  starve  than  have 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


143 


his  starving  condition  advertised  to  the  world  in 
an  appeal  for  funds  to  help  him.  The  American 
Commissioners  at  Atlantic  City  got  nowhere,  in 
spite  of  their  earnest  desire  to  help  Mexico,  be- 
cause the  Mexicans  could  do  nothing  to  remedy 
practical  conditions  until  national  “dignidad"  was 
saved  by  the  removal  of  foreign  troops  from  their 
soil.  Politeness  and  sympathy,  with  respect  for 
his  dignity,  will  open  any  door  of  the  Mexican. 
But  he  had  rather  starve  himself  and  his  family 
and  let  his  whole  country  go  to  rack  and  ruin 
than  “receive  charity.”  The  big-hearted,  loud- 
voiced,  insistent,  efficient  foreign  philanthropist 
has  no  place  in  Mexico. 

Calderdn  puts  the  matter  thus: 

“There  is  nothing  more  difficult  to  manage  than 
the  amour  propre  of  the  nations  of  the  south,  who 
look  upon  any  kind  of  interference  as  a menace  to 
their  independence.  They  would  choose  anarchy, 
destruction  even,  rather  than  suffer  the  unlawful 
intrusion  of  any  foreign  power  which  ventured  to 
interfere  in  the  internal  affairs  of  a free  country. 
North  Americans  have  often  forgotten  this  atti- 
tude of  their  ‘brothers’  of  the  south.  Likewise, 
with  no  consideration  for  their  tempestuous  pride, 
they  have  carried  their  influence  in  southern 
matters  to  the  point  of  provoking  violent  outbursts 
of  nationalism.  They  make  parade  of  their 
superiority,  and  the  South  Americans,  proud  of 
their  traditions  and  their  ancient  cities,  revolt 


144  INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 

angrily  against  the  wise  counsels  of  the  protecting 
nation. 

Like  all  Latins,  the  South  Americans  have  a 
feeling  for  form  and  respect  for  the  proprieties. 
They  are  naturally  subtle  and  Byzantine.  Nothing 
ruffles  them  more  than  the  rudeness  of  Washington 
politicians,  who  scarcely  take  pains  to  disguise  a 
certain  contempt  for  these  inferior  and  turbulent 
peoples.  Mr.  Roosevelt  cynically  says,  T took 
Panama’.  He  believes  in  the  efficacy  of  the  ‘big 
stick’  in  the  relations  between  the  two  Americas. 
He  is  scarcely  a psychologist  in  these  matters.  It 
is  far  easier  to  get  what  one  wants  from  these  Latin 
democracies  through  flattering  proposals,  through 
courteous  replies,  through  a delicate,  nicely- 
shaded  diplomacy.” 

Probably  the  one  thing  that  irritates  the  edu- 
cated Mexican  more  than  all  other  things  about 
our  attitude  is  the  general  failure  to  recognize  that 
Mexico  has  its  cultured  classes,  who  are  as  well 
educated  and  have  as  beautiful  homes  and  as  fine 
a social  life  as  will  be  found  in  any  part  of  the 
world.  They  think  the  American  is  very  unfair  in 
judging  all  IMexicans  by  the  peon  workman  that 
ordinarily  emigrates  to  this  country. 

In  fact,  when  one  counts  up  all  the  grievances 
that  Mexicans  have  against  Americans,  the  ex- 
ploiting of  the  people  by  certain  American  capi- 
talists, the  insults  from  Americans  living  in  and 
outside  the  country,  the  continuous  misrepresen- 
tation by  our  press,  and  many  other  things,  he  is 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


145 


surprised  that  there  is  as  much  friendship  for 
Americans  as  there  is.  But  this  Is  because  he  has 
forgotten  the  other  side  of  the  shield  of  relations. 
The  thousands  of  good  Americans  who  have  lived 
in  Mexico,  learned  the  language  of  the  people, 
come  to  appreciate  their  good  points,  made  the 
most  intimate  friendships  with  Mexicans,  and 
publicly  declare  they  had  rather  live  in  Mexico 
than  any  other  country  in  the  world,  have  done 
more  than  it  is  possible  to  estimate  to  offset  the 
bad  impressions  already  referred  to.  Many  Ameri- 
can firms  and  Individual  business  men  have  been 
real  missionaries  to  the  people,  with  their  intro- 
duction of  better  wages.  Improved  machinery,  wel- 
fare work,  schools,  and  better  housing  for  their 
employes.  It  has  become  pretty  general  that 
Mexicans  prefer  to  work  for  American  firms  and 
under  American  foremen,  because  they  are  more 
sure  of  right  treatment  than  under  their  own 
people. 

The  American  school  teachers  who  have  been 
unselfishly  working  In  many  parts  of  the  country 
for  many  years  have  done  much  to  show  the  Mexi- 
cans that  Americans  generally  are  a likable,  sympa- 
thetic people  and  entirely  desirous  of  maintaining 
friendly  relations  with  their  neighbors.  Then  the 
fact  that  our  Government  has  not  intervened  in 
Mexico,  when  many  of  the  Mexicans  themselves 
recognize  there  was  sufficient  excuse  from  the 


146 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


standpoint  of  European  governments,  has  counter- 
acted much  of  the  harm  of  intervention  talk. 

These  things  explain  the  reason  for  such  a state- 
ment as  the  following  by  Sehor  Pasqueira,  one  of 
the  Constitutionalist  leaders: 

“Some  of  the  press  would  have  the  public  believe 
that  there  exists  a sentiment  of  underlying  hos- 
tility towards  Americans.  That  is  untrue. 
Throughout  the  country  Americans  are  held  in 
higher  esteem  than  any  other  class  of  foreigners, 
and  the  laborer  will  invariably  seek  employment 
from  them  rather  than  from  Europeans,  not  be- 
cause they  pay  higher  wages,  but  because  of  their 
reputation  for  fair  treatment;  and  I venture  to 
assert,  on  the  highest  authority,  that  since  this  war 
began,  not  one  American  citizen  has  lost  his  life 
because  of  his  nationality.  Some  have  been  killed 
in  personal  quarrels  and  barroom  brawls,  such  as 
take  place  daily  in  New  York,  for  instance;  some 
have  been  killed  because  of  their  presence  in  the 
line  of  fire  during  engagements,  and  some  have 
been  murdered  by  thieves.  But  I repeat  that  no 
persons  have  been  killed  because  they  were 
Americans.  The  Constitutionalists,  I may  add, 
entertain  a deep  appreciation  of  the  kindly  senti- 
ments that  their  cause  has  awakened  among  the 
thoughtful  people  of  the  United  States,  to  whom 
treason  was  ever  odious  and  to  whom  constitu- 
tional rights  are  so  dear.  We  appreciate,  too,  the 
spirit  of  fairness  that  led  the  President  to  raise  the 
embargo  on  the  exportation  of  arms  and  munitions 
of  war,  and  if  we  have  not  demonstrated  our 
gratitude,  it  is  because  there  has  been  no  fitting 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


147 


opportunity  to  do  so.  Nor  have  we  Mexicans  for- 
gotten Seward  and  the  degree  of  moral  support  he 
gave  President  Juarez  in  his  noble  struggle  for 
democratic  government  against  the  reactionaries 
who  sought  to  impose  on  Mexico  a monarchy.” 

The  best  judgment  of  reliable  Americans  and 
my  own  experience  during  the  Revolution  agree 
entirely  with  the  above  statement,  that  neither 
Carranza  nor  his  responsible  officers  have  ever 
attacked  or  persecuted  Americans  because  they 
were  Americans. 

There  were  two  instances  during  the  Revolution 
of  Americans  being  turned  upon.  First,  Villa 
singled  out  the  Americans  for  attack,  after  we  had 
carried  him  around  on  our  shoulders  as  a great 
hero  for  months  and  then  had  turned  against  him 
in  favor  of  Carranza.  Nothing  else  could  have 
been  expected  from  one  of  his  low  instincts.  The 
other  instance  of  hostility  to  Americans  was  the 
general  order  which  Huerta  gave  at  the  time  of 
our  taking  Vera  Cruz,  to  have  all  Americans  in 
Mexico  arrested.  Many  outstanding  Americans, 
including  our  consular  officers,  were  thrown  into 
jail  and  kept  there  until  released  by  Carranza 
authorities,  who  afterward  captured  the  towns 
where  they  were  imprisoned. 

General  Hanna,  Consul  General  for  northern 
Mexico,  told  me  how  he  was  seized  by  the  Huerta 
authorities  in  Monterrey  and  at  first  was  made  to 


148 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


walk  through  the  streets  toward  the  penitentiary. 
The  poor  people,  whom  he  had  befriended  so 
many  times,  giving  them  food  and  clothing  and 
much  other  help,  risked  their  lives  by  demanding 
that  the  military  forces  at  least  get  a carriage  for 
the  general.  When  he  was  taken  to  the  state  pri- 
son the  old  keeper  blazed  out  in  anger,  saying 
to  the  general’s  captors,  “This  is  no  place  for  Gen- 
eral Hanna.  He  is  one  of  my  dearest  friends,  as  he 
is  the  friend  of  every  Mexican.  I will  not  receive 
him  in  this  penitentiary.  You  must  find  another 
place  if  you  want  to  put  him  in  prison.”  The  gen- 
eral was  therefore  taken  to  the  new  state  house, 
where  he  occupied  a magnificent  reception  hall  as 
his  prison.  While  the  room  was  very  beautiful,  it 
was  not  entirely  comfortable,  since  there  were 
mounted  above  him  a number  of  cannon,  and  the 
enemy  was  trying  to  dislodge  them  with  artillery 
from  the  nearby  hills.  This  lasted  only  a few 
hours,  however,  when  the  Huerta  forces  withdrew 
and  the  revolutionists  came  in  and  occupied  the 
city.  He  was  left  practically  the  sole  occupant 
of  the  state  house  for  several  hours.  Thus  origi- 
nated the  story  that  General  Hanna  was  threat- 
ened with  death,  and  a few  hours  later  was  made 
governor  of  the  state. 

The  few  Americans  who  were  in  the  City  of 
San  Luis  Potosi  gathered  in  the  English  consulate. 
For  two  or  three  days  they  were  hissed  at  when 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


149 


they  went  along  the  streets,  and  the  cry  of  “Mueran 
los  gringos”  was  frequently  heard.  Reports  were 
circulated  that  several  Americans  had  been  shot, 
and  terror  reigned  in  the  whole  colony  for  three 
days.  However,  it  turned  out  that  none  had  been 
hurt.  This  was  the  only  time  when  the  Americans 
in  San  Luis  felt  in  danger. 

No  American  who  has  been  through  the  Revolu- 
tion and  seen  many  homes  of  his  fellow-citizens 
broken  up  and  many  families  lose  their  all  and 
have  to  make  their  way  to  the  United  States  on 
charity  funds,  or  who  sees  them  today  still  in 
Mexico,  old  and  broken  with  hope  gone,  can  help 
sympathizing  most  profoundly  with  such  suffering. 
But  as  one  reads  history,  he  cannot  fail  to  realize 
also  that  they  are  not  unique  among  those  whom 
war  has  overtaken,  either  in  a foreign  land  or  in 
their  own. 

Much  has  been  made  of  a list  of  285  Americans 
killed  in  Mexico  from  1910  to  1916.  We  mourn 
the  loss  of  this  large  number  of  fellow-countrymen. 
But  that  list  does  not  prove  at  all  that  there  has 
been  any  hostility  to  Americans  as  Americans  by 
the  government,  which  after  so  many  years  of 
fighting,  and  often  of  chaos  and  anarchy,  has 
finally  come  into  power.  When  we  are  considering 
the  killing  of  these  285  Americans  during  six  years 
of  terrible  civil  war,  it  would  be  well  to  remember 
that  in  the  year  1918  in  this  great  country  of  ours 


150 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


more  than  loo  people  were  lynched,  many  of 
whom  have  later  been  shown  to  be  innocent  of 
any  crime.  In  the  same  connection,  too,  we  may 
well  consider  the  following  facts  brought  out  by 
George  Marvin  in  an  article  in  World’s  Work.  In 
discussing  the  ill  treatment  of  Mexicans  in  Texas 
and  the  matter  of  bandits  on  both  sides  of  the 
international  border,  he  says: 

“Before  the  Army  took  over  the  job,  the  border- 
land was  patrolled  by  rangers.  Some  of  these 
rangers  have  degenerated  into  common  man- 
killers.  There  is  no  penalty  for  killing,  for  no  jury 
along  the  border  would  ever  convict  a white  man 
for  shooting  a Mexican.  Their  ranks  are  swelled 
by  so-called  deputy  sheriffs.  Some  of  these  men 
are  responsible  citizens,  but  others  are  unstrung 
gunmen,  who  are  just  as  much  a menace  to  the 
peace  and  good  order  of  the  borderland  as  are  the 
bandits  for  whose  extinction  they  exist. 

The  killing  of  Mexicans  that  has  been  going  on 
through  the  borderland  in  these  last  four  years  is 
almost  incredible.  General  Carranza  still  wants 
to  know  if  we  have  done  anything  about  bringing 
to  trial  the  executioners  of  114  Mexicans  believed 
to  have  been  innocently  killed  on  our  side  of  the 
line.  But  there  are  a great  many  more  than  1 14 
Mexicans  good  and  bad  lying  dead,  and  some  of 
them  unburied,  north  of  the  line.  Reading  over 
the  Secret  Service  records  makes  you  feel  almost  as 
though  there  were  an  open  game  season  on  Mexi- 
cans along  the  border.  Underneath  all,  a racial 
prejudice  exists  fully  as  strong  as  the  Negro  situa- 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


151 

tion  in  our  southeastern  states,  and  on  top  of  that 
you  must  put  the  irresponsibility  of  sheriffs, 
deputies,  and  rangers. 

The  disgraceful  truth  persists  that  a great  many 
so-called  bandits  are  and  have  been  for  a long  time 
I very  useful  agents  in  smuggling  operations.  Some 
border  Texans  will  tell  you  that  a Mexican  is  like 
I an  Indian,  there  is  no  good  one  but  a dead  one.  But 
Mexico  and  the  border  states  contain  hundreds 
and  thousands  of  good  Mexicans,  a great  many  of 
whom  have  been  terrorized  off  their  thrifty  farms. 
It  is  a great  surprise  to  find  along  the  border  that 
, very  just  Mexican  grievances  exist  against  us.  We 
have  been  so  occupied  in  cherishing  our  own 
grievances,  and  equally  just  injuries,  that  we 
haven’t  been  able  to  see  their  Mexican  corollaries.” 

Passing  over  many  other  interesting  phases  of 
recent  events  which  have  had  their  effect  on  the 
regard  of  Mexicans  for  Americans,  we  come  to  the 
test  of  the  World  War.  President  Carranza  took 
the  attitude  that  the  struggle  was  one  in  which 
the  Mexicans  should  remain  neutral,  first  because 
it  did  not  seem  to  him,  just  as  it  did  not  seem  to 
America  in  the  beginning,  to  involve  any  question 
in  which  the  nation  had  a direct  interest;  and 
further,  because  Mexico  had  just  been  through  a 
long  struggle,  her  national  resources  were  ex- 
hausted, and  she  needed  all  her  strength  to  restore 
her  national  life.  There  has  never  been  any  real 
evidence  produced  that  Carranza  himself  deviated 
from  this  neutral  path.  He  may  have  believed  at 


152 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


one  time,  as  some  of  his  friends  say,  that  Germany 
would  win,  and  for  this  reason  allowed  his  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior,  the  editor  of  the  official  daily 
paper,  and  other  prominent  officials  to  display 
the  friendly  attitude  toward  Germany  which  has 
disgraced  them.  But  those  who  know  Carranza 
best  do  not  believe  that  he  was  either  pro-German 
himself  or  ever  had  any  dealings  with  the  German 
Government  with  a view  to  opposing  the  Allies  in 
the  war. 

Probably  in  no  other  country  in  the  world,  with 
the  exception  of  Spain,  was  German  propaganda 
so  insistent.  Competent  authorities  reckon  that 
in  the  single  matter  of  subsidizing  twenty-three 
newspapers  and  supplying  free  news  print  and 
free  telegraph  service,  $50,000  a month  was  spent. 
Our  readers  will  realize  in  what  fallow  ground 
much  of  this  propaganda  fell.  Full  page  adver- 
tisements were  run,  showing  on  the  one  hand  what 
Mexico  would  lose  in  territory  and  prestige  if  the 
United  States  won  and  on  the  other  hand  what 
would  be  the  advantages  to  Mexico  in  increased 
territory  and  commercial  advantages  if  Germany 
won.  Editorials  from  our  papers  and  speeches  by 
our  Congressmen  who  favored  intervention  were 
translated  and  used  to  support  these  arguments. 

But  there  was  a very  large  counter-propaganda 
by  Mexicans  who  were  friends  of  France  and  the 
United  States.  Practically  every  governor  of  the 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


153 


twenty-seven  Mexican  states  was  pro-Ally.  Many 
movements  in  favor  of  the  United  States  which 
have  never  been  reported  in  this  country  were 
organized.  One  of  the  most  efficient  and  wide- 
spread was  the  Allied  Club,  with  headquarters  in 
Saltillo.  It  counted  more  than  12,000  members, 
from  the  states  of  Chihuahua,  Coahuila,  Nuevo 
Leon,  and  Tamaulipas.  Governor  Mireles,  of 
Coahuila,  was  the  honorary  president.  A young 
Englishwoman  was  engaged  as  the  secretary.  The 
membership  represented  the  leading  young  element 
of  all  of  these  states.  They  accomplished  great 
good,  by  opening  reading  rooms,  by  supplying  the 
members  with  correct  information  about  Allied 
victories,  and  by  pointing  out  in  the  clearest  kind 
of  way  the  misrepresentations  of  the  Germans. 
When  the  German  submarines  attacked  boats 
near  the  American  coast,  the  club  sent  a letter  of 
protest  to  our  Government,  signed  by  2,000  peo- 
ple, offering  any  help  that  they  could  possibly 
give.  Recognizing  that  Mexico  was  a very  poor 
country  and  they  could  offer  practically  nothing, 
yet  this  club  informed  our  Government  that  the 
Allied  sympathizers  in  Mexico  would  undertake  to 
keep  order  on  the  border  of  Mexico,  so  that  the 
soldiers  who  were  assigned  to  this  duty  might  be 
released  to  fight  for  democracy  in  France. 

The  Committee  on  Public  Information  of  the 
United  States  did  a magnificent  piece  of  work  in 


154 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


Mexico.  It  made  any  American’s  heart  swell  with 
pride  to  go  into  the  reading  rooms  they  conducted 
in  several  of  the  leading  cities  and  see  the  large 
number  of  readers,  and  to  know  of  the  crowds  in 
the  English  classes  taught  free  by  many  of  the 
leading  American  women  of  the  community.  When 
the  armistice  was  signed,  the  German  Embassy 
endeavored  to  cause  the  impression  that  “Ger- 
many had  presented  peace  to  the  world.”  But  the 
Committee  on  Public  Information  never  stopped 
till  it  had  put  the  fact  of  Germany’s  absolute 
defeat  and  utter  humiliation  before  every  to^\^l 
and  hamlet  in  the  whole  Republic. 

Thanks  to  the  thorough  work  of  the  Committee 
no  American  ever  need  worry,  because,  as  some 
have  intimated  in  the  past,  the  Mexicans  believe 
they  could  whip  the  United  States.  If  that  de- 
ception ever  existed  in  the  minds  of  the  Mexicans, 
it  has  been  eradicated  entirely  by  their  thorough 
understanding  of  the  tremendous  accomplishments 
of  this  country  in  the  World  War. 

The  work  of  the  Committee  on  Public  Informa- 
tion is  so  interesting  that  it  is  worth  while  to  quote 
the  following  from  its  final  report: 

“It  is  a significant  fact,  and  one  which  redounds 
to  the  credit  of  the  reputable,  honorable  journal- 
ists of  Mexico,  that  during  the  war  there  was  not  a 
single  newspaper  or  periodical  in  the  Republic 
which  pleaded  the  German  cause  that  was  self- 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


155 


sustaining.  All  were  subsidized  with  German  gold. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  was  not  one  pro-Ameri- 
can-Ally  newspaper  or  periodical  which  was  not 
self-sustaining.  The  Mexico  Section,  directly  or 
indirectly,  did  not  subsidize  any  publication.  . . 

From  the  outset  it  was  assumed  that  the  Mexican 
press  and  public,  or  at  least  that  portion  of  it 
which  was  not  debauched  by  German  money  and 
German  lies,  was  fair  and  receptive.  This  was 
almost  instantaneously  proved.  We  worked  al- 
ways in  the  open.  Official  notice  was  served  upon 
the  Mexican  Government  of  the  establishment  of 
the  offices  of  the  Committee  in  the  City  of  Mexico 
and  of  the  purpose  of  the  Committee  in  extending 
its  operations  into  Mexico.  We  hid  nothing  from 
public  view.  . .It  is  a source  of  deep  satisfaction 
to  be  able  to  report  that  regardless  of  the  obviously 
difficult  field  in  which  we  were  forced  to  operate, 
and  the  manifold  opportunities  which  presented 
themselves  for  complications  which,  had  they 
developed,  would  inevitably  have  bred  embar- 
rassment both  for  the  Committee  and  for  our 
Government,  the  Mexico  Section  was  fortunate 
enough  to  conclude  its  labors  without  friction  with 
any  of  the  federal,  state,  or  local  authorities  of  the 
Republic.  . . 

Approximately  4,433,000  words  of  our  daily 
cable  service  were  distributed  to  the  Mexican 
newspapers  during  the  eleven  months  of  the 
existence  of  the  Mexico  Section.  Mimeographed 
copies  of  the  daily  despatches  were  prepared  and  a 
total  of  35,000  of  them  were  distributed  in  the  City 
of  Mexico  to  business  firms,  which  displayed  them 
in  show  windows,  to  the  foreign  legations,  to 


156 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


Mexican  government  officials,  and  to  individuals. 
Spanish  translations  of  special  articles  prepared  by 
the  Foreign  Press  Bureau  of  the  Committee  in 
New  York,  and  made  suitable  by  careful  editing 
and  revision  for  the  Mexican  field  and  the  limited 
space  of  the  newspapers,  were  sent  daily  to  the 
sixty-five  newspapers  and  periodicals  on  our  list. 
The  record  shows  that  nearly  sixty  per  cent  of  this 
material  was  used.  . . To  the  newspapers  also 

supplementary  daily  news  letters  (virtually  a 
complete  telegraphic  service)  were  mailed,  the 
total  being  178,000.  For  the  benefit  of  persons 
outside  of  Mexico  who  were  interested  in  Mexican 
affairs  it  was  deemed  expedient,  and  within  the 
functions  of  the  Committee,  to  issue  a weekly  news 
bulletin  in  English.  . . Franking  privileges 

were  granted  by  the  Mexican  Government  for 
both  the  news  letter  and  the  English  bulletin.  . . 

No  one  who  watched  the  operation  of  the  school 
and  appreciated  by  observation  the  zest  of  the 
students  to  learn  English  and  the  sympathetic 
mental  trend  toward  the  United  States  inspired 
among  them  in  the  process  could  fail  to  regret  that 
the  classes  might  not  have  been  continued  per- 
manently, and  that  some  arrangement  might  not 
be  made  for  extending  on  a larger  scale  throughout 
Mexico  what  the  Committee  accomplished  in  an 
experimental  way  in  the  Capital.” 

All  the  information  concerning  America  dis- 
tributed by  the  Committee,  the  good  impressions 
made  on  Mexicans  living  in  the  United  States 
during  the  Revolution  but  now  returning  to  their 
homes,  the  idealism  shown  by  us  in  the  War,  and 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


157 


our  actual  demonstration  of  undreamed-of  power, 
along  with  a new  open-mindedness  and  a realiza- 
tion of  the  impossibility  of  isolated  existence,  which 
the  World  War  has  forced  on  Mexico  as  well  as  on 
the  rest  of  the  world — all  these  things  have 
brought  Mexico  to  a desire  for  friendship  with  the 
United  States  which  is  the  most  outstanding  thing 
that  a visitor  to  that  country  now  notices. 

I began  to  appreciate  it  immediately  upon 
entering  the  Republic  in  February,  1919.  At 
Monterrey  I found  the  newspapers  publishing 
editorials  running  something  like  this:  “We  must 
realize  that  Mexico  needs  to  understand  the 
United  States.  We  must  live  as  next-door  neigh- 
bors to  that  country,  whether  we  like  it  or  not,  so 
we  must  find  out  how  we  can  live  in  a friendly 
way.  We  should  not  live  back  in  1847.  Those 
days  are  past  and  we  must  face  up  to  the  problem 
of  1919.” 

A similar  sentiment  is  expressed  in  the  following 
significant  editorial  from  the  Mexico  City  daily, 
El  Excelsior: 

“As  we  view  the  matter,  no  more  important 
statements  have  been  made  for  several  years  than 
those  of  the  Hon.  Roberto  V.  Pesqueira  in  the 
toast  which  he  pronounced  at  the  banquet  given 
by  himself  and  Governor  Mireles  to  the  visiting 
American  newspaper  men  on  March  3rd.  The 
influential  position  of  Mr.  Pesqueira  as  financial 
agent  of  the  Mexican  Government  at  El  Paso  and 


158 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


the  presence  at  the  same  time  of  men  who  have 
access  to  the  influential  papers  in  the  United 
States,  make  the  words  which  he  uttered  seem  all 
the  more  weighty.  Here  is  what  he  said : ‘Mexico 
has  no  intention  of  closing  her  frontiers,  as  China 
once  did,  to  keep  out  all  foreigners.  On  the 
contrary,  she  is  disposed  to  receive  with  open 
arms  all  who  wish  to  come,  provided  they  come  in 
good  faith.  Nor  does  this  country  propose  to 
make  Article  27  of  the  revised  Constitution  retro- 
active in  its  effects;  the  rights  acquired  prior  to 
the  adoption  of  that  document  in  1917  are  going 
to  be  rigidly  respected’. 

We  have  purposely  waited  several  days  before 
commenting  to  see  if  any  correction  or  modifica- 
tion of  these  striking  statements  would  follow.  It 
struck  us  that  there  was  a radical  contrast  between 
the  sentiments  of  extreme  Jacobites  and  pseudo- 
socialists— whose  one  aim  is  the  despoiling  of  the 
rich,  the  bourgeois,  and  the  foreigners  in  the  name 
of  the  revolutionary  reprisals — and  these  sane 
suggestions  as  to  the  official  purposes  of  our 
Government. 

Landed  proprietors,  mine  owners,  corporations, 
oil  men,  manufacturers,  the  mass  of  our  citizens 
and  country  people,  natives  as  well  as  foreigners, 
can  now  breathe  more  easily.  Henceforward  they 
can  devote  themselves  without  uneasiness  to  the 
development  of  their  interests — which  are,  at  the 
same  time,  the  interests  of  the  country — resting 
secure  in  the  rights  which  they  have  acquired. 
Immigration  from  abroad,  both  of  work  hands  and 
of  capital,  lately  so  suspicious  and  shy  of  us,  can 
now  be  set  going  again. 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS 


159 


According  to  Messrs.  Pesqueira  and  Cabrera, 
the  Government  cherishes  no  hatred  of  foreigners. 
Whatever  of  such  hatred  exists  must  find  its  home 
in  this  or  that  wayward  heart  or  ill-balanced  mind. 
No  longer  is  suspended  over  capital  and  invest- 
ments the  Damocles  sword  of  the  retroactive 
quality  of  Article  27 — or  of  any  other,  we  venture 
to  add.  As  a matter  of  fact,  the  'ultra-radicalism' 
of  Article  27,  not  to  call  it  by  a harsher,  if  more 
accurate  term,  originated  in  the  suspicion  which 
its  very  form  implied  that  the  intention  of  it  was 
to  make  a clean  sweep  of  all  the  past,  in  virtue  of 
its  retroactive  application.  On  the  other  hand,  if 
it  is  true,  as  the  same  Constitution  lays  down  in 
Article  14,  that  neither  this  nor  any  other  law  can 
be  made  of  retroactive  effect,  this  terrible  article 
ceases  to  be  a matter  of  spoliation,  violence,  and 
injustice,  and,  as  applied  to  future  developments, 
may  prove  good,  bad,  or  indifferent  as  the  case 
may  be.  Certainly  it  will  no  longer  be  odious  and 
ruinous,  dissolvent  of  society  itself,  and  disastrous 
even  for  the  workingman. 

Only  by  proper  respect  for  rights  duly  acquired 
can  changes  be  made  in  the  control  of  properties, 
even  when  such  changes  are  demanded  in  the 
interest  of  real  progress.  Progress  must  be  made 
compatible  with  the  stability  of  peoples. 

We  congratulate  most  sincerely  these  spokesmen 
and  leaders  of  the  revolutionary  government  for 
their  excellent  political  judgment.  Once  these 
sentiments  are  carried  into  effect,  and  that  without 
partiality  or  trickery  but  in  good  faith  and  real 
sincerity,  they  will  have  rendered  an  eminent 
service  to  their  country.” 


i6o  INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 

Similar  expressions  from  the  press,  government 
officials,  and  the  mass  of  the  people,  came  to  me  as 
I traveled  all  through  the  Republic. 

One  of  the  primary  purposes  of  my  latest  visit 
to  Mexico  was  to  investigate  the  question  of 
establishing  in  Mexico  City  a great  educational 
institution,  backed  by  the  people  of  the  United 
States  and  combining  the  best  educational  prin- 
ciples, both  of  Mexico  and  of  the  United  States, 
in  practical  effort  to  solve  Mexico’s  problem.  Vari- 
ous organizations  and  individuals  have  often 
talked  of  the  need  of  such  an  institution.  But  one 
reason  for  its  not  being  developed  has  been  the  fear 
that  the  plan  might  not  be  welcomed  by  the  Mexi- 
can Government.  Putting  it  squarely  before  the 
Government  and  people  was  one  of  the  surest 
tests  of  their  attitude  toward  the  United  States; 
and  yet  everywhere  I presented  the  subject  there 
was  a hearty,  unequivocal  assurance  of  welcome 
for  such  an  institution.  I put  the  question 
directly  to  President  Carranza  and  he  assured  me 
of  his  approval  and  his  belief  that  the  institution 
would  do  great  good. 

Here  we  are,  then,  after  a hundred  years  of 
misunderstanding,  for  which  both  Mexicans  and 
Americans  have  their  full  share  of  responsibility — 
and  if  I had  been  addressing  this  chapter  to  Mexi- 
cans I would  have  made  their  faults  stand  out 
much  more  prominently — ready  to  start  upon  a 


MEXICANS  AND  AMERICANS  i6i 

new  era  of  friendly  relations.  If  both  peoples  will 
trust  each  other  more  fully,  strive  harder  to  under- 
stand each  other’s  point  of  view  when  difficulties 
arise,  and  endeavor  to  be  more  helpful  to  each 
other,  we  can  solve  the  question  of  the  mutual  re- 
lationships of  these  neighboring  countries — the 
question  which  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the  most 
difficult  before  both  the  United  States  and  Mexico. 


CHAPTER  V 


THE  PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO 

WTiat  are  the  actual  conditions  in  Mexico  today? 
In  order  to  give  the  reader  a general  idea  of  this 
subject,  I am  describing  in  this  chapter  some  of  my 
experiences  in  a trip  to  the  Republic  in  February 
and  March  of  1919.  The  style  of  travel  notes  is 
retained  and  the  present  tense  refers  to  the  two 
months  just  mentioned. 

One  finds  things  in  Mexico  very  different  from 
what  he  imagines  them  when  feeding  on  New  York 
papers.  No  very  definite  information  seems 
available  concerning  trains  in  Mexico  before  one 
gets  to  the  border.  Rumor  has  it  that  there  are 
no  Pullmans,  that  trains  run  only  every  few  days, 
that  they  are  “shot  up”  every  once  in  a while, 
and  the  like.  But  we  found  on  arriving  at  Laredo 
at  eight  a.  m.  that  we  could  have  our  passports 
visaed  on  the  American  side,  take  an  automobile 
across  the  river,  have  baggage  examined  at  least 
five  different  times  by  as  many  officials — including 
a fumigation,  which  meant  only  that  a bulb  of 
chemicals  was  squeezed  at  one’s  valises — and  catch 
the  train  going  south  at  eleven  a.  m.  We  made 
better  time  to  Monterrey  than  I remember  in  all 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  163 


the  numerous  times  that  I have  covered  this  trip 
before,  arriving  at  4 p.  m.  There  were  a number 
of  Americans  on  board,  including  the  wives  of  two 
mining  men  living  away  down  in  Concepcidn  del 
Oro,  which  is  far  removed  from  any  center.  Of 
course,  the  State  Department  would  not  give  them 
passports,  for  it  still  insists  on  withholding  these 
necessary  documents  from  those  who  wish  to  go 
anywhere  except  a few  of  the  large  cities.  This  is 
rather  a ludicrous  procedure,  however,  as  after 
one  crosses  the  border,  he  has  no  more  use  for  his 
passport  and  can  go  wherever  he  pleases. 

Monterrey  is  not  as  much  the  “Chicago  of 
Mexico”  as  it  used  to  be  before  the  Revolution.  It 
has  suffered  a good  deal,  and  there  is  marked  limi- 
tation of  business.  Still,  there  is  some  building 
going  on,  and  one  notices  few  “for  rent”  signs.  The 
large  plant  of  the  American  Smelter  and  Refining- 
Company  is  at  work,  and  it  employs  a good  many 
Americans.  The  steel  plant  and  the  smaller  smel- 
ter are  also  in  operation,  as  are  the  brewery  and 
other  manufacturing  plants.  Ten  years  ago  there 
were  some  four  thousand  Americans  in  Monterrey. 
Now  the  average  estimate  is  five  hundred.  The 
Foreign  Club,  which  includes  English  and  French, 
as  well  as  American  men,  is  a delightful  little 
place,  where  one  gets  the  gossip  and  meets  the  best 
element  of  the  foreign  colonies.  The  general 
opinion  expressed  concerning  politics  is  that 


164 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


Carranza  will  be  able  to  serve  out  his  term.  There 
are  certainly  no  leaders  of  strength  opposing  him 
at  the  present  time.  Several  express  the  idea  that 
he  believed  that  Germany  was  going  to  win  the 
War  for  some  time,  but  now  that  he  has  seen  his 
mistake,  he  is  more  ready  to  deal  on  friendly  terms 
with  Americans  and  with  our  Government  than 
ever  before.  . . The  two  great  needs  mentioned 
everywhere  are  money  and  the  bettering  of  the 
railroad  situation.  The  rolling  stock  on  the  rail- 
roads is  running  down  all  the  time,  and  very  little  is 
being  done  to  repair  the  engines  and  cars.  Freight 
cars  were  burned  by  the  thousands  during  the  Rev- 
olution, and  it  is  almost  impossible  to  get  cars  to 
move  shipments.  This  has  compelled  many  of  the 
leading  companies  to  own  their  own  engines  and 
cars.  The  Guggenheim  smelter  in  Monterrey  runs 
trains  on  practically  all  the  railroads  in  Mexico.  I 
am  told  they  keep  thirty  or  forty  engines  going 
continually.  They  have  built  up  their  shops  to 
such  an  extent  that  they  can  practically  rebuild 
an  engine,  and  they  are  continually  taking  the  old, 
worn-out  engines  and  making  them  new. 

I am  told  that  the  Government  is  having  a very 
hard  time  paying  its  bills.  Duties  have  been  put 
up  again  recently,  and  every  possible  means  of 
revenue  is  used  to  its  limit.  Nevertheless,  the 
teachers  in  Mexico  City  have  been  threatening  a 
strike  because  they  have  not  been  paid  their 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  165 


salaries  for  many  weeks.  In  Monterrey  the  state 
and  municipal  governments  seem  to  have  been 
able  to  pay  the  salaries  of  the  teachers  and  the 
public  schools  are  in  good  condition.  A current 
despatch  from  Mexico  City  says  that  512  schools, 
the  same  number  as  last  year,  have  just  been 
opened.  This  means  that  more  than  fifty  per  cent, 
of  the  children  of  school  age  in  the  Federal  Dis- 
trict will  not  be  able  to  find  places  in  the  schools. 
These  512  schools  are  classified  as  follows:  ele- 
mentary and  grammar  schools,  332;  government 
night  schools,  42;  government  kindergartens,  13; 
private  primary  schools,  72 ; private  foreign 
schools,  45;  private  kindergartens,  8.  Of  the  332 
elementary  schools,  166  are  in  the  capital  and 
the  same  number  are  distributed  among  the 
municipalities.  It  is  interesting  to  note,  however, 
that  this  is  a larger  provision  for  primary  education 
in  the  Federal  District  than  was  made  in  any  year 
of  the  Diaz  administration. 

American  firms  in  Monterrey  are  rejoicing  over 
the  fact  that  the  embargo  on  merchandise  has  been 
removed  by  the  United  States,  and  great  quantities 
of  goods  that  have  been  held  on  the  border  for 
months  are  now  rolling  into  the  country,  making 
business  very  prosperous.  An  American  paper  and 
printing  house  was  found  to  be  enlarging  its  ware- 
rooms,  making  space  for  practically  $100,000  worth 
of  additional  stock  that  is  expected  soon.  “You 


i66  ' INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


expect  to  do  some  business  in  spite  of  the  Revo- 
lution,” I said  to  the  general  agent.  “\Ve  have 
never  been  closed  all  the  time  since  the  Revolution 
began,”  he  replied.  ‘We  have  always  been  open 
for  business,  and  expect  to  be.  The  volume  of  our 
business  today  is  larger  than  it  was  in  the  ‘good 
old  days’  of  eight  or  ten  years  ago.” 

The  striking  changes  that  several  mentioned  to 
me  in  Monterrey  were  that  there  is  a great  deal 
less  drinking  and  that  the  demand  for  books  is 
very  much  larger.  These  two  things  were  not  put 
together  by  those  who  mentioned  them,  but  it  is 
interesting  to  look  at  them  at  the  same  time.  Most 
of  the  reading  matter  has  been  brought  from 
Spain.  One  local  bookdealer  imports  very  often  a 
bill  of  $10,000  or  $15,000  worth  of  books  from 
Spain.  Germany  formerly  shipped  a good  many 
books  into  Mexico  also,  as  the  Germans  were  great 
translators.  Most  of  the  American  books,  such  as 
James’  “Talks  to  Teachers”  and  Emerson’s  “Es- 
says,” have  been  translated  into  Spanish  by  Ger- 
man firms.  Now  that  the  German  exporters  are 
not  so  active,  there  is  a great  opportunity  for 
others  to  take  their  places.  There  is  an  increasing 
demand  for  American  books.  If  the  American 
publishers  would  enter  this  field  they  could  find 
large  business. 

Apropos  of  the  matter  of  reading,  one  of  the 
most  interesting  things  in  Monterrey  today  is  the 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  167 


reading  room  on  the  main  plaza,  supported  by  the 
American  and  other  foreign  colonists.  This  was 
opened  in  order  to  give  the  public  an  opportunity 
to  get  the  real  facts  concerning  the  War.  The  walls 
are  lined  with  the  most  beautiful  of  the  American 
and  French  posters.  The  tables  are  filled  not 
simply  with  books  of  propaganda  for  the  Allies, 
but  with  all  kinds  of  good  reading  matter.  Every 
time  I passed  the  room  it  was  crowded  with 
readers.  This  is  only  one  of  the  good  things  that 
the  American  colony  has  been  carrying  on  during 
the  War  in  order  to  keep  pro-Ally  sentiment 
dominant,  and  they  have  accomplished  this  pur- 
pose in  a remarkable  way.  Monterrey  has  been 
overwhelmingly  pro-Ally,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
the  German  colony  numbers  among  it  some  of  the 
most  prominent  business  men  in  the  city. 

Though  there  are  only  a few  American  business 
men  in  Monterrey,  they  are  active  and  wide-awake 
and  an  American  chamber  of  commerce  is  in 
process  of  organization  there.  A little  American 
school  is  well  supported  and  makes  living  condi- 
tions a good  deal  more  satisfactory.  The  Young 
Men’s  Christian  Association,  the  Laurens  Insti- 
tute, and  the  Christian  Institute,  all  sustained 
by  American  organizations,  are  doing  splendid 
work.  The  first  named  has  been  greatly  handi- 
capped by  its  lack  of  a building,  and  hopes  to  be 
able  soon  to  begin  the  erection  of  an  adequate 


i68 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


plant.  “The  Young  Men’s  Christian  Association 
is  the  best  American  propaganda  that  we  can 
possibly  have  in  this  country,”  said  a business 
man.  “\Ve  ought  to  have  two  here,  however,  one 
for  the  city  branch,  and  the  other  out  by  the  rail- 
road as  an  industrial  branch.” 

Business  is  developing  along  many  lines.  The 
representatives  of  Henry  Ford,  who  is  expecting 
to  establish  two  or  three  plants  for  the  manufac- 
ture of  tractors  in  Mexican  cities,  have  recently 
visited  Monterrey,  and  it  is  hoped  that  one  plant 
will  be  located  there.  An  excursion  of  Texas 
business  men  is  due  to  arrive  in  a very  short  while. 
This  excursion  will  take  in  the  main  cities  of 
Mexico.  There  is  a considerable  movement  on 
now  among  the  different  commercial  bodies  to 
develop  an  export  business,  shipping  more  of  Mexi- 
co’s products  to  other  parts  of  the  world.  The 
brewing  interests  here  figure  that  they  should 
capture  a good  deal  of  the  trade  of  Central  and 
South  America  with  the  closing  of  the  breweries 
in  the  United  States.  There  are  also  indications 
that  the  breweries  in  the  United  States  are  ex- 
pecting to  ship  large  amounts  of  their  machinery 
to  Mexico  and  continue  business  here. 

One  meets  with  many  bright  young  Mexicans 
who  have  just  come  from  the  United  States.  One 
of  a group  of  them  with  whom  I talked  had  visited 
nearly  all  of  our  cities,  including  San  Antonio, 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  169 


St.  Louis,  Chicago,  New  York,  and  many  of  the 
manufacturing  centers  of  New  England.  He  said 
he  had  gone  very  much  prejudiced  against  the 
United  States,  but  what  he  had  seen,  not  only  of 
the  power  in  the  industrial  life  of  the  country,  but 
also  of  the  remarkable  patriotism  shown  during 
the  War,  had  made  him  return  to  Mexico  as  one 
who  would  give  his  time  to  propagating  ideas  of 
friendship  between  the  two  countries.  The  others 
spoke  along  the  same  lines.  They  spoke  of  the 
great  good  that  could  be  done  by  scholarships  for 
Mexicans  to  study  in  American  institutions.  This 
would  be  one  of  the  best  ways  to  build  up  an  under- 
standing between  the  two  countries.  All  of  the 
young  men  said  that  they  were  greatly  prejudiced 
against  the  United  States  before  they  visited  there. 
They  talked  very  frankly  about  the  weaknesses  of 
the  Latin  races — their  unwillingness  to  save,  their 
lack  of  respect  for  women,  their  desire  to  “show 
off”  and  to  appear  better  than  they  are.  They  gave 
historical  reasons  for  these  things,  and  felt  that  if 
they  could  know  the  United  States  better,  they 
could  the  more  easily  overcome  these  defects. 

The  editorials  in  the  papers  are  more  friendly 
than  I have  ever  seen  them  in  Mexico  before. 
One  appeared  in  a Monterrey  paper,  reciting  the 
reasons  why  Mexicans  were  prejudiced  against 
the  United  States,  but  saying  that  there  is  no  use 
in  denying  that  the  United  States  is  the  greatest 


170 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


country  in  the  world,  and  that  the  sooner  Mexico 
begins  to  study  her  institutions,  to  find  out  the 
cause  of  her  greatness,  and  to  imitate  her  in  certain 
respects,  the  better  it  will  be  for  the  nation. 

Saltillo  is  a beautiful  little  city  seventy  miles 
south  of  Monterrey,  up  in  the  mountains.  It  is 
often  called  by  its  friends  the  Athens  of  Mexico. 
One  feels  the  atmosphere  of  culture  probably 
more  here  than  in  any  other  Mexican  city.  While 
it  has  a population  of  only  35,000  people,  it  has 
furnished  many  of  the  citizens  who  have  become 
prominent  in  the  life  of  the  Republic.  Saltillo 
naturally  reminds  one  of  President  Carranza.  I 
often  talked  with  him  in  the  State  House  concern- 
ing educational  problems  while  he  was  serving  as 
governor.  In  those  days  he  referred  several  times 
to  the  fact  that  President  Madero  was  insisting 
upon  his  taking  a place  in  his  cabinet,  but  he  said 
that  he  had  consistently  refused  because  of  his 
desire  to  work  out  the  problems  of  taxation  and 
education  in  his  own  state.  I have  never  been 
able  to  understand  how  some  people  have  main- 
tained that  Carranza  was  plotting  a rebellion 
against  Madero,  for  there  was  certainly  no  evi- 
dence of  it  in  those  days.  He  retained  his  loyalty 
to  his  chief  up  until  the  death  of  the  latter.  When 
Madero  was  succeeded  by  Huerta,  Carranza  was 
the  first  governor  of  a Mexican  state  to  denounce 
the  usurpation  of  power  and  he  gathered  together 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  171 


at  Saltillo  the  first  part  of  his  army  in  opposition  to 
Huerta’s  anti-constitutional  act,  thus  originating 
the  name  of  Carranza’s  party  as  the  “Constitu- 
tionalists.” 

Walking  along  the  streets  of  Saltillo,  I met  three 
young  men  who  used  to  be  classmates  at  the 
People’s  Institute  in  Piedras  Negras.  They  were 
standing  in  front  of  a moving  picture  theater,  and 
two  of  them  explained  that  they  were  proprietors 
of  the  show.  They  invited  me  in  to  see  the  Ameri- 
can film  that  was  being  shown,  explaining  that 
they  had  recently  taken  charge  of  the  theater  and 
were  showing  all  American  films.  They  had  en- 
tirely renovated  the  theater  and  taken  the  galleries 
down,  making  only  one  big  floor.  One  reason 
why  they  did  this  was  to  emphasize  the  democracy 
which  should  prevail  among  the  people.  These 
young  fellows  were  working  in  the  railroad  shops 
when  they  were  in  the  People’s  Institute.  They 
had  gotten  their  ideas  of  progress  from  the  night 
classes  and  debating  club  there  and  were  now 
carrying  them  out  in  practical  life.  Introducing 
American  films  and  having  the  audience  sit  in 
democratic  fashion  all  on  the  same  floor  was  their 
Latin  idealistic  way  of  introducing  Americanism, 
in  which  they  were  firm  believers.  The  other 
young  man,  who  had  been  a student  in  the  Insti- 
tute, asked  me  to  go  to  the  hotel  and  see  the  line 
of  samples  that  he  was  carrying  for  a wholesale 


172 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


house  in  the  United  States,  He  showed  me  his 
order  book,  containing  several  thousand  dollars’ 
worth  of  orders  which  he  had  sold  during  the  two 
days  that  he  had  been  in  the  city.  I noticed  so 
many  dozen  pairs  of  shoes  at  seven,  eight,  ten 
dollars  a pair;  so  many  hats,  ranging  from  three- 
fifty  to  ten  dollars  each.  He  said  that  he  was 
having  a very  large  business  in  every  towm  where 
he  showed  his  samples,  for  people  were  anxious 
for  American  goods.  The  duties  were  included  in 
the  prices  quoted,  so  that  the  merchants  would 
know  exactly  how  much  their  goods  would  cost 
them  laid  down. 

Saltillo  has  always  been  a liberal  city  and 
Americans  have  felt  at  home  there.  Fortunately 
some  of  them,  like  the  lamented  Consul  Silliman, 
have  been  known  far  and  wide  for  their  honorable 
character  and  their  friendly  interest  in  the  Mexi- 
can people. 

San  Luis  Potosi  is  the  next  city  of  impor- 
tance south  of  Saltillo.  It  is  about  as  near  the 
geographical  center  of  Mexico  as  one  can  get. 
This  may  indicate  why  it  is  what  one  might  call 
a “middle  of  the  road”  town — that  is  to  say,  it 
neither  shows  very  much  American  influence,  as 
does  the  city  of  Monterrey,  nor  is  it  preponderantly 
Indian  as  are  Zacatecas  and  Guanajuato.  The 
streets  are  beautifully  paved  and  plazas  are  every- 
where. The  city  possesses  a most  attractive 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  173 


market,  one  of  the  finest  theaters  in  the  republic, 
which  would  do  credit  to  any  American  city, 
innumerable  Catholic  churches — a few  of  them 
rare  gems  of  architecture — and  modern  sewer  and 
water  systems. 

The  first  impression  of  the  traveler  here,  as  in 
other  cities  visited,  after  having  read  so  much 
about  chaotic  conditions,  is  one  of  surprise  that 
the  world  is  moving  along  with  so  little  distur- 
bance. The  old  American  resident  naturally 
misses  the  large  American  colony.  Still,  there 
are  some  Americans  who  have  stayed  through  the 
entire  Revolution.  How  have  they  been  treated? 
Except  in  rare  cases,  the  only  bad  treatment  re- 
ported by  those  who  have  been  here  continually 
was  received,  as  already  stated,  from  the  Huerta 
forces  at  the  time  the  United  States  took  Vera 
Cruz.  The  various  revolutionary  leaders,  from 
Carranza  down,  have  generally  treated  the  Ameri- 
cans well,  except  when  they  have  forced  loans 
from  them  and  in  other  ways  replenished  their 
depleted  treasuries.  Many  of  the  “generals”  who 
have  commanded  the  revolutionary  armies  are  far 
from  being  what  they  should  be.  There  is  an 
American  grocer  in  San  Luis  Potosi,  who  has  been 
in  business  here  for  some  twenty  years.  He  came 
as  a mere  boy,  with  a very  small  capital,  and  for 
many  years  increased  his  capital  at  a very  rapid 
rate.  He  said,  however,  that  he  was  figuring  up 


174 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


the  other  day  and  found  out  that  he  was  just 
where  he  was  seven  years  ago.  In  1917,  when  con- 
ditions were  more  disturbed  here  than  at  any 
other  time,  the  revolutionary  leaders  took  from 
him  altogether  56,000  pesos.  He  had  either  to 
pay  these  exorbitant  demands  or  have  the  store 
taken  away  from  him.  He  has  also  lost  about 
2,200  head  of  cattle  from  his  ranch,  which  he 
owns  as  a result  of  the  growth  of  his  business  in 
Mexico. 

Another  interesting  American,  who  has  been  in 
San  Luis  for  more  than  thirty  years,  is  a lady 
whose  husband  was  born  and  reared  in  Persia, 
being  the  nephew  of  one  of  the  Shahs  of  Persia. 
While  his  father  was  governor  of  one  of  the  prov- 
inces, he  was  assassinated.  The  children  were 
compelled  to  leave  Persia,  so  came  to  the  United 
States.  When  one  of  them  was  lost,  the  brother 
now  living  here  came  to  the  border  of  Mexico 
seeking  him.  He  did  not  find  his  brother,  but  met 
Juarez,  who  at  that  time  was  defending  the  coun- 
try against  Maximilian,  and  the  young  Persian 
joined  Juarez’s  army.  Later  he  went  back  to  the 
United  States,  married  a Tennessee  girl  £uid  re- 
turned to  Mexico.  One  would  hardly  find  a more 
beautifully  appointed  home  in  New  York  than 
these  people  have  here  in  San  Luis.  It  is  marve- 
lous to  be  shown  around  their  home  and  see  their 
wonderful  collection  of  china  and  Mexican  paint- 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  175 


ings,  and  to  realize  that  none  of  these  have  been 
ever  threatened  during  the  years  of  revolution.  I 
say  it  is  marvelous — it  doesn’t  seem  so  after  one 
is  there,  but  I am  sure  the  story  will  sound  strange 
in  New  York. 

The  Americans  who  have  remained  in  Mexico 
throughout  the  Revolution  are  the  ones  who  now 
seem  to  have  the  most  hope  for  the  country. 
Small  property  owners  and  salaried  men  generally 
recognize  that  the  present  authorities  are  making 
a little  headway  against  tremendous  odds,  and 
believe  that  conditions  will  continue  gradually  to 
improve.  They  recognize  as  the  worst  element  in 
the  situation  the  graft  in  the  lesser  government 
officials,  and  especially  among  the  numerous 
“generals”  of  the  Army,  who  are  often  arbitrary 
and  cruel  in  their  dealings  with  the  people.  They 
are  willing  to  admit  that  it  has  probably  been 
impossible  for  President  Carranza  to  weed  out 
this  unsatisfactory  element  because  of  the  possi- 
bility of  their  turning  against  him,  in  which  case 
he  would  lose  more  ground  than  he  would  gain. 
One  merchant,  who  has  suffered  a good  deal  from 
the  demands  for  special  contributions  to  maintain 
the  Army,  said : “These  demands  seem  very  hard 
and  unjust,  yet  one  can  not  think,  when  it  is  a 
question  of  life  and  death  with  the  Government, 
that  he  can  expect  to  escape  paying  his  share 
toward  the  maintenance  of  the  Army.” 


176 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


Some  of  the  oil  men,  however,  do  not  seem  to 
share  in  this  philosophical  view  of  things.  One  of 
them  said : “I  think  it  was  a mistake  for  a representa- 
tive of  the  oil  interests  to  go  to  the  Peace  Confer- 
ence to  decide  questions  concerning  Mexico.  It 
would  be  unfortunate  for  the  Peace  Conference  to 
take  up  the  Mexican  question.”  When  I asked  him 
why,  he  replied:  “Because  of  President  Wilson’s 
influence  there.  What  we  want  is  to  wait  until 
1920  and  then  the  oil  men,  under  a new  President, 
will  demand  and  secure  justice  from  Mexico.”  He 
said  that  Americans  were  less  liked  in  Mexico  now 
than  they  had  ever  been  before.  When  I told  him 
that  this  was  quite  different  from  what  other 
Americans  and  Mexicans  had  said  to  me,  he  seemed 
greatly  surprised.  He  admitted,  however,  that  he 
had  not  been  outside  of  the  Tampico  district. 

The  oil  question  here  is  followed  with  the  keenest 
interest  by  both  Mexicans  and  Americans.  The 
sending  of  a representative  of  the  oil  interests  to 
the  Peace  Conference  is  sharply  resented  by  the 
Mexicans.  Some  reference  to  it  appears  in  almost 
every  paper.  El  Universal  of  Mexico  City  every 
week  devotes  a solid  page  to  a discussion  by  a 
law'yer  of  the  legal  questions  involved  in  the  oil 
problem.  His  conclusion  is  that  legally  the  nation 
has  a right  to  declare  the  subsoil  products  national 
property,  but  he  recognizes  that  the  advisability  of 
doing  so  at  present  as  regards  oil  is  another 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  177 


question.  Every  Mexican  I have  talked  with, 
including  Ambassador  Bonillas,  insists  that  Mexico 
has  no  intention  whatever  of  confiscating  any 
property.  The  oil  men  are  naturally  not  content 
with  any  such  general  assurances. 

The  American  consul  in  San  Luis,  who  has 
served  in  many  parts  of  the  world,  including 
South  America,  and  who  left  Germany  only  a 
little  while  before  war  was  declared,  speaks  in  the 
highest  terms  of  the  lower  class  Mexican.  Last  year 
he  visaed  the  passports  of  over  2,000  Mexican 
workmen  who  were  going  to  the  United  States  to 
live.  They  were  a fine  class  of  people.  All  of 
them  had  sufficient  money  to  pay  their  fare  to 
their  destination  in  the  United  States,  and  would 
make  good  citizens  of  that  country.  He  says  he 
never  dealt  with  a more  kindly  and  sincere  people. 
Most  of  these  emigrants  have  kinsfolk  in  the 
United  States.  They  come  from  various  states  to 
the  south,  San  Luis  being  the  first  American  con- 
sulate they  find.  This  is  only  one  indication  of  the 
fact  that  this  is  the  gathering  place  for  people  from 
the  most  densely  populated  parts  of  Mexico. 
Whereas  the  city  had  a population  of  about  80,000 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution,  it  is  estimated 
that  there  are  at  least  125,000  here  at  the  present 
time,  the  increase  consisting  chiefly  of  people  from 
the  country  round  about  who  sought  safety  in  the 
city. 


178 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


The  smelter  operated  by  the  American  Metals 
Company  has  been  reopened  now  for  several 
months,  though  it  is  not  running  at  full  force  yet. 
The  San  Pedro  and  several  other  mines  near  here 
are  being  worked.  The  prospect  is  that  others 
that  have  been  closed  for  some  time  will  be 
opened. 

The  Governor  of  the  state  is  one  of  the  bright 
young  men  with  a modem  viewpoint,  inexperi- 
enced, but  with  the  best  purposes,  who  are  today  so 
often  found  at  the  head  of  state  governments  in 
Mexico.  He  was  educated  in  the  Anglo-American 
College  in  Aguascalientes  as  a boy  and  learned 
there  to  speak  English.  He  has  made  one  exten- 
sive trip  through  the  United  States. 

Asked  as  to  whether  the  majority  of  people  in 
San  Luis  were  pro-Ally  or  pro-German,  he  said, 
“Me  and  my  friends  are  all  Allies.”  He  intimated 
that  the  German  sentiment  had  been  quite  strong 
in  San  Luis.  He  told  of  the  large  English  company 
which  owns  the  sulphur  mines  near  here — proba- 
bly the  largest  sulphur  mines  in  Mexico — and 
had  been  selling  its  product  to  the  German  Gov- 
ernment for  many  years,  not  knowing  to  what  use 
it  was  to  be  put.  A German  company  had  recently 
slipped  into  one  of  these  mines  which  an  English 
company  had  abandoned  several  years  ago,  and  is 
now  working  next  door  to  the  large  English 
company  and  causing  them  a deal  of  trouble.  It 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  179 


was  a bad  oversight  on  the  part  of  the  American 
manager  to  allow  this,  and  the  firm  was  put  on 
the  United  States  blacklist  for  a while  because  of  it. 

The  Governor  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  Mexi- 
can Government  in  the  past  has  been  quite  the  op- 
posite of  what  it  ought  to  be.  The  people  have 
expected  the  Government  to  do  everything,  when 
really  it  should  be  considered  a servant  of  the 
people  and  encourage  them  to  do  things  for  them- 
selves. For  this  reason  he  favored  the  develop- 
ment of  private  schools,  which  would  put  the  bur- 
den on  the  parents  of  the  children  themselves, 
making  them  pay  for  the  things  they  get  and 
thereby  bringing  about  an  appreciation  of  the 
schools.  Now  the  Government  opens  the  schools, 
pays  for  the  books  and  all  material,  and  then  has 
to  compel  the  people  to  send  their  children.  This 
is  not  the  fact,  he  thinks,  with  those  who  have 
learned  the  value  of  education,  but  with  the  very 
poor  who  little  appreciate  the  need  of  schooling. 

Some  hundred  and  fifty  miles  due  west  from  San 
Luis  is  the  city  of  Aguascalientes.  It  is  knoum  as 
a health  resort,  and  people  come  here  from  all 
parts  of  the  country,  especially  for  the  fine  baths. 
True  to  its  name,  great  streams  of  hot  water  are 
found  running  through  the  city  streets.  Aguas- 
calientes is  also  a great  industrial  center.  The 
largest  railroad  shops  in  the  country  are  here,  as  is 
also  one  of  the  largest  smelters  of  the  Guggenheim 


i8o  INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 

interests.  Neither  of  these  institutions  is  working 
at  full  capacity  at  the  time  of  this  visit,  however. 
On  account  of  the  lowering  of  the  price  of  copper, 
the  smelter  is  running  with  a very  much  reduced 
force.  The  railroad  shops  are  crammed  full  of  old 
engines  that  have  been  more  or  less  wrecked  during 
the  Revolution.  These  are  not  being  repaired 
with  anything  like  the  rapidity  that  they  should  be. 

The  ordinary  population  of  Aguascalientes  is 
about  55,000,  but  because  of  the  difficult  financial 
situation  through  which  the  city  has  passed  for  the 
last  several  years,  it  is  probable  that  there  are  not 
so  many  people  there  now.  The  stores,  however, 
have  a splendid  assortment  of  goods,  and  there  are 
fewer  beggars  than  in  San  Luis.  The  American 
consul  here,  like  the  one  in  San  Luis,  reports 
Mexican  migration  to  the  United  States  to  work 
on  the  railroads  and  in  the  mines.  The  consul 
received  word  a little  while  before  the  armistice 
was  declared  that  the  railroads  in  the  southern 
part  of  the  United  States  could  easily  use  50,000 
Mexicans  as  track  workers.  Now  that  the  War  is 
over,  however,  the  demand  for  Mexican  workmen 
is  not  likely  to  be  nearly  so  great.  As  long  as  they 
can  make  $3.50  a day  as  track  workers,  and  $6.00 
or  $8.00  a day  in  semi-skilled  lines,  they  will  prob- 
ably continue  to  enter  the  United  States.  A large 
number  of  them  go  for  only  a short  time  and  then 
return  to  their  homes. 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  i8i 


This  is  one  of  the  most  thickly  populated  dis- 
tricts in  Mexico.  Around  the  railroad  station  and 
shops  the  Americans,  who  formerly  had  charge  of 
the  railroad,  have  built  a beautiful  colony,  all  of 
the  buildings  being  of  brick  architecture.  Out 
beyond  the  colony  are  the  famous  hot  water  baths, 
which  are  approached  by  a beautiful  drive  lined 
with  some  very  handsome  homes.  While  this  part 
of  the  city  gives  evidence  of  neglect  at  the  present 
time,  no  doubt  in  the  next  few  years,  as  the  world 
comes — as  it  must  come — to  seek  the  riches  of 
Mexico,  this  will  be  one  of  the  finest  suburbs  in  any 
Mexican  city.  As  we  walked  along  this  beautiful 
avenue  we  saw  a strange  sight  for  Mexico — young 
Mexican  lads  on  very  fine  ponies,  playing  polo. 
Certainly  there  is  hope  for  the  country  when  these 
young  fellows,  without  any  foreigner  leading  them, 
are  taking  up  such  games.  How  many  revolutions 
the  country  would  have  been  saved,  if  in  the  past 
young  Mexicans  had  learned  to  be  good  losers  by 
being  reared  on  the  competitive  games,  such  as 
baseball  and  football,  which  play  such  a large  part 
in  the  education  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  youth ! 

One  who  has  known  this  region  for  many  years 
and  was  sent  in  the  fall  of  1918  to  make  a report  of 
conditions  to  his  organization  says: 

“In  the  whole  northern  district  I have  noted  a 
decided  if  not  remarkable  improvement  over  con- 
ditions obtaining  last  year.  The  railroad  service 


182 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


is  not  improved  and  one  is  subject  to  great  delay 
and  inconvenience  in  getting  from  place  to  place. 
The  danger  from  bandits  and  the  losses  caused  by 
incursions  of  armed  bands  have  decreased.  I have 
noted  a much  larger  extent  of  land  under  cultiva- 
tion. There  are  fewer  beggars  and  starved-looking 
people  at  the  stations.  In  Fresnillo,  in  Concepcion, 
and  in  San  Luis  Potosi,  mining  operations  and  the 
treatment  of  ores  by  the  cyanide  and  smelting 
processes  were  carried  out  on  a more  extensive 
scale,  thus  furnishing  employment  to  a larger 
number  of  people.” 

Zacatecas  is  the  state  immediately  north  of 
Aguascalientes,  and  its  capital  city,  like  most  state 
capitals  in  Mexico,  bears  the  name  of  the  state. 
Zacatecas  is  one  of  the  states  that  have  suffered 
most  from  the  Revolution.  Mining  being  the  prin- 
cipal industry  and  it  having  been  almost  impossible 
to  get  ore  to  the  market,  workmen  have  had  little 
to  do,  and  the  economic  conditions  are  the  worst 
seen  in  the  Republic.  The  city  of  Zacatecas, 
which  used  to  have  a population  of  35,000  or  more, 
now  probably  has  not  many  more  than  half  that 
number.  It  was  here  that  one  of  the  hardest-fought 
battles  of  the  Revolution  took  place,  when  Villa 
took  the  city  from  the  Federalists.  A high  hill 
called  “La  Bufa”  dominates  the  city,  towering 
something  like  1,500  feet  immediately  above  it. 
The  revolutionists  placed  their  cannon  on  that 


I 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  183 

high  spot  and  poured  fire  into  the  city  for  several 
days.  Many  effects  of  the  battle  can  be  seen  at  the 
present  time. 

Zacatecas  is  one  of  the  most  picturesque  cities 
in  the  whole  world.  The  approach  to  it  is  made  by 
j many  winding  passes  through  the  mountains.  The 
city  seems  to  be  now  on  one  side  and  now  on  the 
other  side  of  the  train.  A little  mule  car  isatthesta- 
i tion  awaiting  the  passengers.  Here  there  are  no 
I coaches  or  automobiles  for  hire.  All  of  the  passen- 
gers, with  their  baggage,  pile  into  the  little  mule 
car  and  ride  to  the  city,  a mile  and  a half  away. 
The  hotels  are  delighted  to  see  a foreigner  or  two, 
and  the  whole  city — especially  the  numerous  beg- 
gars— seems  to  be  thrown  into  commotion,  for 
there  are  very  few  travelers  who  have  business  in 
Zacatecas  these  days. 

The  one  live,  progressive  thing  we  found  about 
the  city  was  the  Governor.  He  is  a young  fellow, 
scarcely  past  thirty,  a native  of  Zacatecas,  who 
volunteered  as  a common  soldier  in  the  revolution- 
ary army,  and  has  worked  himself  up  through  the 
various  grades  of  service,  having  fought  all  the 
way  from  Sonora  to  Yucatan.  Some  of  the  citizens 
reported  that  he  is  quite  a Socialist  and  a good 
friend  to  the  laboring  men.  When  I called  upon 
him  and  intimated  that  I was  interested  in  closer 
relations  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States, 
he  received  me  most  enthusiastically.  An  account 


184  INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 

of  his  having  placed  two  thousand  families  on  their 
own  land  during  the  last  year  was  given  in  Chap- 
ter II. 

The  outstanding  experience  in  my  visit  to 
Mexico  City,  during  the  trip  in  the  spring  of  1919 
which  this  chapter  describes,  was  an  interview  with 
President  Carranza  in  the  National  Palace.  We 
discussed  principally  the  relations  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico  and  the  improving  situa- 
tion in  Mexico  itself.  The  President  I found  much 
preoccupied  with  what  seems  to  him  to  be  a 
concerted  action  on  the  part  of  the  press  in  the 
United  States  to  give  the  impression  that  Amer- 
icans are  not  liked  or  wanted  in  Mexico.  I 
sat  down  immediately  after  the  interview  and 
wrote  out  the  following,  which  I believe  is  very 
close  to  a literal  translation  of  what  the  President 
said,  and  which  his  friends  to  whom  I showed  it, 
agreed  as  representing  him : 

“You  have  now  been  in  the  Republic,  traveling 
in  all  parts  of  the  country.  You  have  lived  in 
Mexico  for  many  years,  and  know  our  people. 
Have  you  seen  in  your  visit  indication  that 
Americans  are  treated  any  differently  from  any 
other  people,  that  they  are  persecuted  in  any 
way,  that  they  are  not  received  with  cordiality  by 
government  officials  as  well  as  by  the  people 
generally?  We  deeply  appreciate  what  many 
Americans — business  men,  missionaries,  tourists — 
are  doing  to  inform  the  people  of  the  United 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  185 

States  concerning  the  actual  conditions  in  Mexico. 
But  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  these  few,  on 
the  other  hand  there  seems  to  be  an  organized 
propaganda  in  the  United  States  to  depreciate  the 
Mexican  Government  and  the  Mexican  people, 
by  making  Americans  think  that  their  fellow- 
citizens  are  ill-treated  in  Mexico  and  that  they  are 
not  wanted  here  at  all. 

As  you  have  traveled  around,  no  doubt  you  find 
a great  difference  between  conditions  here  now  and 
two  years  ago,  when  you  last  visited  us.  You  see 
the  improved  economic  conditions.  You  see  less 
evidence  of  military  rule.  You  see  new  life  devel- 
oping everywhere.  Go  to  our  theaters — they  are 
full.  Go  to  our  moving  picture  shows — you  can 
hardly  find  a seat.  Look  at  the  automobile  taxi 
service,  one  of  the  finest  to  be  found  anywhere, 
with  hundreds  of  new  machines  serving  the  public. 
Prices  are  not  exorbitant.  Our  schools  are  opening 
and  functioning.  Some  of  the  best  minds  Mexico 
has  produced,  both  young  men  and  those  who  have 
been  connected  with  education  for  many  years, 
are  giving  themselves  to  solving  our  difficult  edu- 
cational problems.  Trains  are  running  on  all  lines. 
Crops  are  more  universally  planted  this  year  than 
for  a long  time.  Now  these  are  the  things  we 
would  like  the  people  in  the  United  States  to  know. 
We  do  not  want  any  fulsome  praise,  we  do  not 
want  any  one  to  shut  his  eyes  to  the  fact  that  all 
our  problems  are  not  yet  solved.  We  do  not  ask 
favors.  We  simply  ask  that  the  truth  in  fairness 
be  known. 

Of  course,  there  are  bands  which  plunder  in 
different  parts  of  the  country;  there  are  assassins 


1 86  INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 

and  robbers  whom  we  have  not  yet  been  able  to 
catch.  We  are  not  able  to  set  a policeman  to 
follow  every  individual  in  the  Republic.  But  what 
country,  after  long  years  of  war,  has  not  found  it- 
self in  these  conditions!  When  the  United  States 
had  a large  Indian  population,  did  they  not 
murder  your  people  on  the  frontiers?  After  the 
Civil  War,  were  your  trains  not  blown  up  and 
robbed?  Did  you  not  have  bandits  who  lived  in 
rough  country  for  years,  breaking  out  here  and 
there,  robbing  and  killing,  without  the  authorities 
being  able  to  catch  them? 

Have  you  been  to  Tampico  yet?  That  is  the 
center,  it  seems  to  me,  of  most  of  the  misunder- 
standing between  the  United  States  and  Mexico. 
We  are  trying  to  do  everything  in  our  power  to 
give  protection  to  the  Americans  in  that  district, 
but  we  find  some  of  them  entirely  unwilling  to 
cooperate  with  us.  There  are  certain  organizations 
which  have  given  contributions  to  the  bandit 
Pelaez,  which  enable  him  to  carry  on  his  nefarious 
business.  The  complaints  have  been  that  the 
bandits  attack  paymasters — and,  of  course,  we 
know  that  that  is  actually  true.  So  the  Govern- 
ment gave  orders  that  no  paymasters  should  be 
sent  out  without  having  an  official  army  escort. 
There  have  been  many  cases,  however,  when 
these  escorts  have  been  refused  and  the  bandits 
notified  when  the  paymasters  would  pass  certain 
places,  in  order  that  they  might  be  assaulted  and 
their  money  taken,  thus  giving  aid  to  the  bandits 
without  appearing  to  do  so. 

We  need  all  possible  help  from  every  one  inter- 
ested in  fair  play  and  international  friendship  to 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  187 

solve  this  delicate  problem.  There  is  no  real  reason 
of  which  I know  for  our  two  peoples  not  getting 
along  together.  Of  course,  the  problems  are  great, 
but  they  are  not  insurmountable  if  we  will  work 
honestly  together  for  their  solution.” 

The  President  was  kind  enough  to  go  into  further 
detail  and  to  allow  me  all  the  time  I wished  to 
explain  the  state  of  public  opinion  in  the  United 
States  toward  Mexico.  I assured  him  that  simply 
because  there  were  a number  of  articles  against 
Mexico  appearing  in  the  North  American  press, 
practically  all  of  which  are  quoted  in  the  daily 
papers  in  Mexico  City,  it  is  not  a foregone  conclu- 
sion that  these  articles  represent  the  general  feel- 
ing in  our  country;  that  the  people  of  the  United 
States  have  learned  to  read  the  newspapers,  and 
they  do  not  by  any  means  believe  all  that  the 
newspapers  report.  He  seemed  gratified  to  be 
assured  that  the  great  majority  of  the  American 
people  have  nothing  but  the  kindliest  feelings 
toward  Mexico  and  an  earnest  desire  to  help  their 
neighbor  in  an  unselfish  way  in  its  great  problem 
of  reconstruction. 

I find  the  President  the  same  quiet,  unosten- 
tatious, earnest  democrat  whom  I had  known  years 
ago  in  Coahuila.  In  fact,  it  seems  to  me  that  he 
has  left  off  some  of  his  sternness  and  has  become 
more  mellowed  and  sympathetic,  with  the  heavy 
responsibilities  he  is  carrying.  He  is  looking  more 


i88 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


rested,  and  is  carrying  more  flesh  than  at  any  other 
time  I have  seen  him  since  he  took  up  the  fight 
against  Huerta. 

Before  my  own  interview  I presented,  by  pre- 
vious arrangement,  the  secretaries  of  some  ten 
missionary  boards  in  the  United  States,  who  are 
now  in  Mexico  City  attending  a conference  of 
Christian  workers,  where  a large,  comprehensive 
program  is  being  developed  for  the  establishment 
of  colleges,  normal  schools,  agricultural  and  me- 
chanical schools,  social  settlements,  hospitals,  and 
churches  in  practically  every  part  of  the  Republic. 
The  president  of  the  conference  explained  to  Presi- 
dent Carranza  that  the  conference  is  being  held  to 
study  how  the  program  of  the  American  missionary 
societies  might  be  enlarged  and  made  more 
efficient,  emphasizing  the  fact  that  none  of  them 
has  any  interest  in  Mexico  except  the  desire  to  be 
helpful  to  a neighboring  people. 

The  President  said  that  he  greatly  appreciated 
the  privilege  of  speaking  to  this  delegation,  repre- 
senting some  15,000,000  members  of  Christian 
churches  in  North  America  and  assured  them  that 
now,  as  always,  he  believed  in  the  efficacy  of  the 
American  missionary  work  in  Mexico.  He  was 
delighted  with  the  educational  program  which  had 
been  outlined  to  him,  and  he  felt  sure  that  there 
was  no  reason  why  it  should  not  be  carried  out 
with  the  sympathy  of  the  Government  and  the 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  189 


help  of  the  people.  As  for  the  agricultural  schools, 
they  could  do  great  good  in  helping  to  solve  the 
land  problem,  but  he  recommended  that  they  have 
rather  short  courses,  not  too  technical  or  far  re- 
moved from  the  people,  and  return  the  students  to 
the  land  as  soon  as  possible. 

He  said  he  appreciated  the  fact  that  the  mis- 
sionaries had  done  all  in  their  power  to  befriend 
Mexico,  and  to  spread  the  right  impressions  of  this 
country  in  the  United  States,  and  he  hoped  that 
when  this  company  returned  to  the  United  States 
it  would  do  what  it  could  to  let  the  people  know 
that  there  is  no  prejudice  or  ill  feeling  toward  the 
American  people,  that  the  Government  and  Mexi- 
can people  are  as  friendly  to  them  as  to  any  other 
foreigners,  and  that  the  country  is  developing 
slowly  but  surely.  “We  do  not  want  you  to  say 
anything  that  you  do  not  feel,  or  represent  condi- 
tions differently  from  what  you  have  found  them, 
but  those  of  you  who  visited  the  country  two  years 
ago  can  see  the  great  improvements,  and  we  would 
like  this  fact  to  be  known  in  your  country.” 

Before  any  such  suggestion  had  come  from  the 
President,  the  conference  had  adopted  the  follow- 
ing resolution,  which  represents  the  feeling  not 
only  of  the  Americans  visiting  the  country,  but 
also  the  missionaries  resident  there. 

“The  Conference  of  Christian  Workers  meeting 
in  the  City  of  Mexico,  February  17-22,  1919, 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


190 

wishes  to  express  its  deep  gratitude  for  the  cordial 
way  in  which  it  has  been  received  by  all  the  people 
and  for  the  fact  that  improved  conditions  and  the 
open-mindedness  of  the  people  permit  Christian 
work  to  be  carried  on  in  all  parts  of  the  Republic, 
with  protection  and  welcome  for  the  workers. 

The  twenty  delegates  from  the  United  States, 
before  arriving  at  the  Capital,  have  visited  their 
work  in  all  sections  of  the  country,  the  routes  of 
some  being  through  Nogales,  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  and 
Guadalajara,  others  through  El  Paso,  Chihuahua, 
Zacatecas,  and  Aguascalientes,  others  through 
Laredo,  Monterrey,  and  Saltillo,  others  through 
Matamoros,  Victoria,  Tampico,  and  San  Luis 
Potosi,  and  others  through  Vera  Cruz,  Jalapa,  and 
Puebla.  Such  travel  has  been  attended  with  no 
untoward  incident  whatever,  and  with  a far 
greater  degree  of  comfort  than  was  anticipated. 

Many  encouraging  evidences  were  found  of  the 
fact  that  the  country  is  slowly  but  surely  returning 
to  normal  conditions,  socially,  economically,  and 
politically.  While  some  outlying  districts  are  still 
greatly  disturbed,  practically  all  the  centers  ex- 
hibit stable  conditions. 

We  recognize  keenly  the  many  difficulties 
against  which  the  Government  is  working  in  re- 
storing the  country  to  a normal  life,  and  register 
our  hearty  sympathy  with  the  Mexican  people  in 
their  earnest  struggle  toward  real  democracy. 

We  pledge  ourselves  to  do  all  within  our  power 
to  promote  a closer  friendship  and  clearer  under- 
standing between  the  two  neighboring  republics, 
both  by  making  known  in  the  United  States  the 
real  developments  and  deep  aspirations  we  have 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  191 

found  among  the  Mexican  people,  and  by  encour- 
aging in  every  possible  way  the  increase  of  those 
institutions  and  movements  which  are  set  to  aid 
Mexico  in  her  struggle  toward  a new  life.” 

While  waiting  in  the  ante-room  to  see  the  Presi- 
dent, I was  greatly  impressed  by  the  difference 
between  the  great  throng  around  the  National 
Palace  which  I saw  today  and  that  which  I 
watched  as  I spent  hours  in  the  Palace  two  years 
ago.  Then  it  was  a very  “Bolshevik”  company. 
Most  of  them  were  “generals,”  wearing  sadly  faded 
uniforms  and  many  queer  costumes,  and  there 
were  many  common  soldiers,  some  of  whom  I 
think  even  wore  the  white  trousers  and  sandals 
which  are  the  costume  of  the  pure  Indian.  But 
today  the  crowd  was  very  different,  showing  a 
pleasing  degree  of  culture.  It  was  encouraging, 
on  shaking  hands  with  two  of  my  old  friends, 
who  I had  heard  were  “generals,”  to  have  them 
say  to  me  that  they  had  retired  from  the  army 
and  were  now  cultivating  land  in  Sonora. 

One  day  in  Mexico  City  was  spent  with  the  edu- 
cators. I was  invited  to  address  the  assembly  of 
the  National  Preparatory  School  at  eight  o’clock 
in  the  morning.  This  school  has  an  enrolment  at 
present  of  about  700,  a small  number  of  whom  are 
young  women.  The  courses  are  similar  to  those 
in  our  high  schools  and  would  include  probably  the 
first  two  years  of  our  college  course.  Graduates  of 


192 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


this  school  are  ready  to  enter  the  professional 
schools  of  law,  medicine,  and  engineering.  Pro- 
fessor Aloises  Saenz  is  the  Director.  He  was  edu- 
cated in  Washington  and  Jefferson  University,  and 
was  superintendent  of  the  public  schools  for  sev- 
eral years  in  Guanajuato.  He  had  invited  several 
other  American  educators  to  be  present  at  the 
assembly  the  morning  of  my  visit.  As  there  had 
been  some  feeling  against  foreigners  manifested  in 
the  school,  we  thought  it  very  unwise  for  all  of  us 
to  appear  on  the  platform,  but  he  insisted,  and  said 
that  the  spirit  of  the  school  had  changed  to  such 
an  extent  that  any  number  of  Americans  would  be 
welcome. 

I spoke  of  the  new  day  in  the  educational,  po- 
litical, and  social  world.  When  I used  as  an  illus- 
tration of  how  small  the  world  was  growing,  the 
fact  that  President  Wilson  went  across  the  seas  to 
attend  the  Peace  Conference,  returned  to  the 
United  States  for  a few  days  and  then  went  back 
to  Paris,  breaking  all  national  precedents,  the  700 
students  broke  forth  in  enthusiastic  cheers,  which 
lasted  for  a remarkably  long  time.  This  was 
spoken  of  by  all  who  had  known  the  spirit  of  the 
school  in  the  past  as  a remarkable  demonstration 
of  the  new  life  that  has  recently  been  developed  in 
the  school  under  the  direction  of  its  American- 
trained  principal. 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  193 


When  this  young  man  with  North  American 
educational  ideals  took  charge  of  the  school  two 
years  ago,  there  was  practically  a spirit  of  anarchy. 
The  pupils  would  rise  up  in  class  and  tell  the  pro- 
fessor to  leave  the  room,  saying  that  he  knew 
nothing  about  the  subject  he  was  teaching.  It  was 
impossible  to  have  any  kind  of  an  assembly.  The 
students  would  not  attend,  even  if  it  was  made 
obligatory.  On  the  morning  to  which  I refer, 
however,  every  student  enrolled  in  the  entire 
institution  was  present,  although  the  attendance 
of  only  the  first  year  pupils  was  required.  I have 
never  seen  a finer  sight  than  those  700  bright 
young  people,  arranged  in  the  magnificent  amphi- 
theater of  one  of  the  finest  school  buildings  in  the 
Republic.  There  were  several  recitations  and 
musical  numbers,  one  of  which  was  given  by  the 
grandson  of  the  celebrated  Mexican  poet,  Juan  de 
Dios  Peza.  When  the  Director  proposed  that  the 
students  sent  their  greetings  by  us  to  the  students 
in  other  parts  of  America  they  arose  en  masse  and 
cheered  the  suggestion  to  the  echo,  lending  empha- 
sis to  it  by  singing  the  beautiful  Mexican  anthem, 
in  which  the  young  women  rendered  the  verse  and 
all  the  700  voices  united  in  a mighty  chorus. 

After  the  exercises  they  assembled  in  the  patio, 
where  I took  their  photograph.  This  seemed  to 
please  them  and  they  surrounded  me,  so  that  it 
was  with  great  difficulty  that  I was  able  to  make 


194 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


my  way  back  to  the  Director’s  office.  They  had 
evidently  caught  the  holiday  spirit  and,  regarding 
me  as  their  friend,  began  shouting  the  request  that 
I should  ask  the  Director  for  “un  dia”  a day  of 
vacation. 

Following  this  visit,  I attended  the  thirty-second 
anniversary  of  the  founding  of  the  normal  school 
of  Mexico  City.  This  took  the  form  of  a great 
banquet  in  the  corridors  of  their  magnificent 
building,  which  was  attended  by  about  600  edu- 
cators and  public  school  teachers.  I had  the 
privilege  of  sitting  within  the  inner  circle  at  the 
speakers’  table,  where  were  present  Professor 
Eliseo  Garcia,  Director-General  of  Public  Educa- 
tion, Lie.  Jose  Natividad  Macias,  Rector  of  the 
National  University,  Professor  Alfonso  Herrera, 
Secretary  of  Instruction  of  Mexico  City,  Sr. 
Miguel  Tomer  and  Dr.  Luis  Coyula,  Commis- 
sioners of  Public  Instruction  of  the  municipal 
government.  Professor  Moises  Saenz,  Director  of 
the  National  Preparatory  School,  Arturo  Pichardo, 
Emilio  Bustamente,  Francisco  Santoyo,  Diputado 
Alberto  Romero,  Daniel  Alaves,  Sostenes  Chapa, 
and  other  leading  educators. 

After  a bountiful  meal,  which  was  interspersed 
with  beautiful  music  from  a military  band  and 
many  interruptions  by  multitudinous  photogra- 
phers, different  speakers,  without  seeming  to  follow 
any  formal  program,  arose  spontaneously  to  give 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  195 


their  ideas  on  education.  One  orator  pessimistic- 
ally deprecated  the  fact  that  education  in  Mexico 
had  so  far  accomplished  so  little,  and  called  for  a 
new  program.  He  was  followed  by  another,  whose 
principal  theme  was  that  the  Mexican  teachers 
must  take  Christ  for  their  ideal,  both  as  a teacher 
and  as  one  who  suffered  for  great  principles.  A 
third  regretted  the  fact  that  a previous  speaker 
had  spoken  disparagingly  of  the  past,  and  advo- 
cated the  union  of  all  teachers  for  the  great  work 
they  had  before  them.  A fourth  speaker  cited  the 
remarkable  development  of  a league  between  the 
teachers  and  the  labor  unions  in  Mexico  City  dur- 
ing the  last  few  months.  He  was  followed  by  a 
fiery  young  orator  from  a labor  union,  who  said 
that  this  was  the  first  banquet  he  had  ever  at- 
tended, the  first  time  that  his  hard  hands  had  ever 
been  able  to  strike  in  friendly  salute  the  soft, 
pliable  hand  of  the  teacher.  He  went  on  to  say 
that  the  laboring  classes  were  awakening,  that 
they  were  anxious  to  learn,  that  they  were  realiz- 
ing how  much  of  the  great  world  beyond  has 
escaped  their  notice,  and  were  anxious  to  form  an 
alliance  with  the  teachers  and  make  their  influence 
felt  along  with  those  who  possess  intellectual 
power,  in  order  that  the  new  life  of  the  nation 
might  be  kept  steady  in  its  contribution  to  the 
development  of  the  whole  people. 


196  INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 

The  Director-General  of  public  instruction 
closed  the  program  with  a beautiful  appeal  to  all 
present  to  work  together  enthusiastically,  in  spite 
of  the  tremendous  financial  difficulties  with  which 
they  are  confronted.  When  the  Government  had 
little  money  to  buy  for  them  their  needed  equip- 
ment, when  all  kinds  of  difficulties  were  facing 
them,  he  said,  they  must  continue  faithful  to  their 
task  of  education,  which  would  prove  to  be  the 
salvation  of  the  nation. 

In  private  conversation,  various  teachers  indi- 
cated to  me  the  great  difficulties  they  are  having 
in  their  schools  because  of  the  fact  that  the  Govern- 
ment does  not  have  the  money  to  support  them. 
The  National  Preparatory  School  has  been  en- 
deavoring to  put  in  a physical  department,  and  has 
tried  in  many  ways  to  get  an  athletic  field,  but  it 
has  been  impossible  so  far  because  there  was  no 
money  to  finance  it.  And  so  it  is  with  practically 
every  department  in  all  of  the  schools.  It  is 
sad  to  see  such  a splendid,  consecrated  corps  of 
young  men  and  young  women,  who  impress  one  as 
having  the  real  missionary  spirit,  deprived  of  the 
financial  support  so  necessary  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  their  work.  Nothing  could  possibly  be 
more  encouraging  than  a day  spent  with  these 
earnest  men  and  women  who,  in  spite  of  small 
salaries  received  often  weeks  and  months  behind 
time,  in  spite  of  political  vicissitudes  and  uncer- 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  197 


tainties  of  position,  are  giving  themselves  so  un- 
reservedly to  the  problem  of  education. 

Athletics  are  coming  to  be  a recognized  part  of 
the  educational  program.  All  acquainted  with 
Latin-American  schools  know  that  in  the  past  the 
physical  departments  have  been  conspicuous  by 
their  absence.  The  Young  Men’s  Christian  Asso- 
ciation has  recently  been  requested  to  organize 
athletics  in  some  of  the  Mexico  City  institutions, 
and  such  activities  have  become  contagious  in 
many  of  the  schools  of  the  Republic.  Last  fall 
there  was  a great  athletic  meet  in  Mexico  City,  in 
which  more  than  200  athletes  took  part,  with  all 
of  the  college  cheers,  rooting,  singing,  and  enthusi- 
asm that  one  would  find  at  such  a meet  in  the 
United  States.  The  schools  of  Saltillo  are  prepar- 
ing a similar  meet,  and  arrangements  are  being 
made  for  a carload  of  representatives  from  the 
National  Preparatory  School  to  attend,  as  will  also 
representatives  from  schools  in  Monterrey,  Tor- 
reon,  Tampico,  Durango,  and  other  cities. 

The  teachers  are  concerned  about  the  question 
of  textbooks.  One  bookstore  in  Mexico  City  has 
practically  dominated  the  whole  textbook  ques- 
tion. Formerly  a special  committee  appointed  by 
the  National  Advisory  Committee  on  Education 
passed  on  textbooks  and  the  Government  itself 
would  give  an  order  for  as  many  thousands  or 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  textbooks  as  were 


198 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


needed.  Recently,  however,  various  districts 
have  been  left  to  select  their  own  textbooks.  As 
much  of  the  educational  system  is  under  the  influ- 
ence of  teachers  who  have  been  educated  in  the 
United  States,  they  are  now  using  a great  many 
of  the  textbooks  to  which  they  became  accustomed 
in  their  student  life.  The  firm  which  has  had  the 
monopoly  of  business  for  a long  time  has  become 
very  much  exercised  over  the  fact  that  American 
textbooks  are  being  brought  in.  It  even  presented 
a petition  to  the  last  Congress,  in  an  endeavor  to 
have  the  professors  discharged  because  they  had 
departed  from  the  customary  patronage  of  that 
house.  No  attention,  however,  was  paid  to  the 
petition.  When  the  firm  was  forced  to  carry  cer- 
tain American  textbooks,  it  charged  about  three 
times  the  legitimate  price,  so  that  an  American 
book  which  was  sold  by  the  Mexican  firm  for  $6.50 
(pesos)  was  afteru^ard  ordered  in  quantity  and 
sold  by  the  director  of  one  of  the  schools  to  the 
pupils  for  $2.25  (pesos).  There  is  a splendid  oppor- 
tunity for  the  publishers  of  American  textbooks, 
not  only  in  Spanish  but  in  English,  to  enter  the 
market  in  Mexico  at  the  present  time.  The 
Government  does  not  have  the  funds  to  buy  the 
books,  generally,  so  it  is  a question  of  convincing 
the  individual  directors  of  schools  of  the  servicea- 
bility of  the  textbooks.  There  is  a great  need  for 
the  opening  of  an  American  bookstore  in  Mexico, 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  199 


where  our  best  English  literature  can  be  secured 
along  with  the  books  American  firms  are  in- 
creasingly publishing  in  Spanish.  Of  course  such  a 
store  should  carry  also  a well-assorted  stock  of  the 
best  Spanish  literature,  published  in  Spain  and  in 
other  parts  of  the  Spanish-speaking  world. 

Life  in  Mexico  City,  as  in  practically  all  the 
state  capitals,  was  going  along  about  as  usual  in 
the  spring  of  1919.  In  some  cities  it  is  more  lively, 
as  the  population  has  been  swelled  by  additions 
from  the  country  districts,  made  unsafe  by  the 
Revolution.  Business  is  generally  good.  A large 
American  printing  supply  house  sold  during  a 
recent  six  weeks  in  Mexico  City  fifteen  linotypes 
and  eight  large  self-feeding  presses.  That  is 
simply  one  illustration  of  the  way  that  business  is 
going  along. 

Pavlowa,  the  dancer,  was  at  about  the  same  time 
having  a run  in  the  city.  When  the  largest  theater 
in  the  city  proved  too  small  for  the  crowd,  she 
resorted  to  the  bull  ring!  This  great  modern 
coliseum  holds  20,000  people  and  in  the  old  days 
was  filled  every  Sunday  afternoon  with  devotees  of 
the  ancient  Spanish  sport.  But  Carranza  does  not 
allow  bull  fights  in  the  Federal  District,  though 
some  states  still  have  them,  as  the  question  is  left 
to  each  state  to  decide.  And  so  grand  opera  and 
other  high-priced  attractions  take  advantage  of  the 
great  out-door  auditorium  and  Mexico’s  magnifi- 


200 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


cent  climate,  and  play  to  the  biggest  audiences. 
That  people  pay  from  one  to  five  pesos  apiece 
many  times  during  the  theater  season  to  see  high- 
class  attractions  is  only  one  illustration  of  how 
business  is  proceeding  in  the  capital. 

A fellow-visitor  1 reports  the  following  typical 
replies  to  questions  concerning  the  business  out- 
look: 

“An  American  shopkeeper:  T have  done  more 
business  within  the  last  two  months  than  at  any 
corresponding  period  of  the  last  six  years’. 

A Mexican  official:  ‘Conditions  are  steadily  im- 
proving, but  I believe  that  you  will  find  very  little 
ostentatious  display  of  wealth.  The  working  peo- 
ple and  the  middle  classes  are  better  off,  and  there 
is  more  money  in  circulation  than  we  have  had  in 
a long  time.  These  mean  that  we  are  beginning 
to  get  results.  Wealth  is  being  more  evenly  dis- 
tributed and  the  contrasts  between  extreme  luxury 
and  dire  poverty  are  less  striking  than  in  many 
years’. 

A Spanish  hotel  proprietor:  ‘We  would  be  glad 
to  give  you  a room  and  bath,  especially  if  you  ex- 
pect to  be  here  for  some  time,  but  at  present  we  are 
full  up.  A group  of  American  visitors  has  engaged 
in  advance  every  available  room,  and  we  can  do 
nothing  for  you  until  they  depart.  It  seems  like 


* L.  J.  du  Bekker  in  the  New  York  Tribune. 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  201 


old  times  to  have  so  many  tourists  from  the  north’. 

A Canadian  banker:  ‘Conditions  are  easier 

than  they  have  been  for  some  time.  The  return 
of  prosperity  involves  the  return  of  confidence,  and 
I can  not  say  that  this  is  complete,  but  I think  we 
all  feel  a sense  of  relief  when  we  compare  banking 
conditions  today  with  those  we  have  gone  through’. 

An  American  importer:  ‘A  complete  under- 
standing with  the  United  States  is  the  one  thing 
essential  to  the  commercial  and  industrial  develop- 
ment of  Mexico.  When  that  has  been  arrived  at, 
you  may  expect  a boom  in  all  lines.  Until  then,  we 
will  do  the  best  we  can,  but  the  uncertainty  of  the 
past  has  been  a most  serious  drawback’.” 

Living  expenses  are  less  in  Mexico  than  in  the 
United  States.  Meals  at  the  best  restaurants — 
and  they  are  refined  places,  with  music,  excellent 
cooking,  and  variety — are  from  to  two  to  five 
pesos.  Accommodations  in  the  best  hotels  are 
becoming  difficult  to  secure  on  account  of  the  in- 
creasing number  of  visitors  to  the  city.  A large 
number  of  automobiles  have  been  recently  im- 
ported, the  Government  having  removed  the  duty 
for  a limited  time  to  encourage  this,  and  the  taxi 
service  is  so  cheap  that  one  is  tempted  to  spend 
his  time  riding.  There  are  generally  twenty  to 
thirty  big  seven-passenger  cars  at  the  stand  in 
front  of  the  new  National  Theater,  and  they  can 
be  had  for  three  pesos  an  hour.  This  magnificent 


202 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


theater,  one  of  the  last  extravagances  planned  by 
the  Diaz  administration,  is  beginning  to  receive 
attention  by  the  Government  and  will  be  finished 
in  a couple  of  years.  It  is  of  white  marble  in  a 
beautiful  setting  at  one  end  of  the  Alamenda  Park, 
and  will  be  beyond  all  question  the  most  magni- 
ficent theater  in  the  world. 

This  unfinished  theater  and  the  various  other 
uncompleted  government  buildings  begun  by 
Diaz  remind  one  of  the  story  of  the  special  envoy 
from  China,  who,  along  with  envoys  from  all  the 
rest  of  the  countries  of  the  globe,  came  to  pay 
tribute  to  Diaz  at  the  centennial  celebration.  This 
celebration  was  the  most  magnificent  and  costly 
ever  arranged  on  the  American  continent.  It  was 
only  one  month  later,  however,  that  the  Revolution 
which  overthrew  Diaz  broke  out.  The  foreign 
visitors  were  practically  all  dazzled  and  profoundly 
impressed  by  the  Diaz  Government.  The  wise  old 
Chinese,  however,  after  being  shown  the  many  new 
buildings  under  construction,  always  with  the 
explanation,  “But  you  see  it’s  not  finished  yet,” 
was  finally  taken  to  see  the  President.  “And 
what  do  you  think  of  General  Diaz?”  he  was  asked. 
“He  is  the  only  thing  I have  seen  in  Mexico  that  is 
finished,”  he  replied.  If  Diaz  himself  could  only 
have  realized  that,  and  quit  several  years  before, 
he  might  have  gone  down  in  history  with  the  other 
greatest  Americans — Bolivar,  San  Martin,  Juarez, 


PRESENT  SITUATION  IN  MEXICO  203 


Washington,  and  Lincoln.  No  one  can  today 
walk  the  streets  of  Mexico  City — than  which  there 
is  scarcely  a more  attractive  city  in  the  world,  be- 
cause of  its  wonderful  mixture  of  things  romanti- 
cally historic  and  alluringly  modem — without 
honoring,  in  spite  of  all  his  mistakes,  that  great 
man  of  iron  who  for  practically  thirty-six  years 
gave  Mexico  peace  and  wonderful  material  pros- 
perity. 

Visitors  to  Mexico  today  will  agree  with  the 
Chinese  statesman  that  little  he  sees  is  finished. 
But  he  who  studies  closely  will  find  that  it  is  what 
the  builder  calls  “the  confusion  of  construction,” 
the  period  when  the  materials  are  being  unloaded, 
the  foundations  dug,  and  every  man  seems  to  be 
working  independently  of  others.  But  presently 
the  unified  plan  of  the  architect  will  take  shape. 
The  very  confusion  in  Mexico  today  makes  it  a 
most  interesting  place  to  visit,  and  a still  more  in- 
teresting place  in  which  to  work,  in  the  difficult 
task  of  erecting  a building  that  will  aid  humanity, 
according  to  the  plan  which  no  doubt  the  great 
Architect  of  the  nations  has  worked  out  for  Mexico. 


CHAPTER  VI 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  BETWEEN  MEXICO 
AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Let  us  now  sum  up  certain  considerations  which 
seem  to  be  clear: 

First : The  Mexicans  have  not  had  a fair  chance. 
They  have  been  a dislocated,  an  exploited,  a con- 
fused people,  with  scarcely  any  opportunity  for 
education  during  the  four  centuries  of  their  modem 
history. 

Second:  There  has  recently  been  a real  social 
revolution  in  Mexico,  and  there  can  be  no  turning 
back.  It  is  idle  to  suppose  that  a “strong”  man 
even  if  he  were  able  to  grasp  the  power,  could 
repeat  the  experience  of  Diaz.  Those  days  have 
gone  never  to  return. 

Third:  The  young  men  of  Mexico,  many  of 
them  educated  under  American  influences,  are 
giving  themselves  to  working  out  a new  political 
and  educational  life  for  their  country,  and  with 
neighborly  help  may  be  expected  gradually  to 
accomplish  their  task. 

Fourth:  The  great  problem  before  the  Mexican 
people  is  the  development  of  character,  and  to  the 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  205 


working  out  of  this  problem  all  of  Mexico’s  friends 
are  called  to  help. 

These  considerations  make  it  evident  that  the 
United  States  should  not  wish  to  become  responsi- 
ble for  the  settlement  of  Mexico’s  difficulties. 
This  is  true  not  only  because  of  the  difficulty  of 
our  understanding  the  Mexican,  but  because  it 
would  be  a larger  job  than  we  ought  to  undertake. 
The  time  for  armed  intervention  has  passed,  if  it 
has  ever  been.  The  excuse  of  the  universal  reign 
of  chaos  can  not  now  be  given.  The  expense  in 
money  and  men  would  be  tremendous.  The  World 
War  has  brought  upon  us  responsibilities  for  many 
parts  of  the  world.  It  has  also  raised  new  problems 
in  our  own  country,  which  are  going  to  demand  the 
most  careful  attention.  If  we  ourselves  are  to 
escape  a bloody  social  revolution,  such  as  is 
sweeping  over  Europe  at  the  present  time,  we 
must  use  all  of  our  resources  and  wisdom  in  the 
solution  of  our  problems.  Our  problems  of  race, 
of  immigration,  and  of  color,  were  never  more 
acute  than  today.  We  insisted  on  an  amendment 
to  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations  which 
would  not  require  us  to  accept  a mandatory 
without  our  consent.  A mandatory  for  Armenia 
or  some  of  the  other  small  nations,  which  are  en- 
tirely desirous  of  our  help,  would  be  as  child’s  play 
compared  to  our  forcing  a mandatory  on  the 


206 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


15,000,000  Mexicans,  who  would  unite  as  a man 
to  oppose  our  intervention. 

Among  other  responsibilities,  intervention  would 
mean  assuming  the  job  of  educating  some  5,000,000 
Indians  who  have  never  even  learned  to  speak  the 
Spanish  language,  who  live  in  the  same  savage 
state  today  as  they  did  when  Cortez  first  came  to 
Mexico.  Have  we  been  so  successful  in  dealing 
with  our  o\vn  small  Indian  population  that  we 
should  desire  to  undertake  this  new  problem, 
involving  fifteen  times  as  large  a population? 
Have  we  been  so  successful  in  dealing  with  our  own 
freed  slaves,  that  we  are  ready  to  take  on  the 
responsibility  for  an  almost  equal  number  of  Mexi- 
can peons,  whose  backwardness  in  many  ways  is 
much  more  marked  than  that  of  our  own  Negroes? 

Von  Moltke  used  to  say  that  he  had  worked  out 
three  different  plans  for  the  invasion  of  England  by 
the  German  Army,  but  that  he  had  never  been  able 
to  contrive  a plan  for  getting  his  army  back  home 
again.  It  would  be  very  easy  for  us  to  resolve  on 
armed  intervention  in  Mexico,  but  no  one  yet  has 
ever  been  able  to  estimate  either  the  initial  cost  in 
men  and  money  of  subduing  the  country,  or  the 
years  of  effort,  the  billions  of  dollars,  the  continual 
misunderstandings,  and  all  the  other  items  in  the 
price  that  would  have  to  be  paid  for  the  final  com- 
pletion of  the  job.  For  its  completion  would 
mean  the  honorable  getting  out  of  it,  as  well  as  the 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  207 


getting  into  it.  And  let  no  one  who  does  not  wish 
to  display  his  ignorance  cite  the  example  of  Cuba, 
for  the  cases  are  absolutely  different. 

No,  the  American  people  do  not  want  armed  in- 
tervention. They  have  business  of  more  impor- 
tance before  them. 

Intervention  in  the  affairs  of  another  nation  is, 
after  all,  a most  delicate  matter.  The  following 
words,  which  describe  a very  unsatisfactory  at- 
tempt, might  well  come  back  to  us  in  the  future 
with  overwhelming  force.  Leave  out  the  names, 
and  some  years  hence  these  words  might  fit  the 
Mexican  situation: 

“The  alienation  of  the  Revolution  from  the 
western  democracies  and  the  deplorable  subse- 
quent blunder  of  military  intervention  were  born 
of  ignorance,  presumption,  and  infirmity  of  pur- 
pose rather  than  of  malevolence.  The  Revolution 
unloosed  a conflict  of  social  forces  which  foreign 
statesmanship,  during  its  period  of  influence  in  the 
capital,  proved  itself  incompetent  to  understand 
and  control.  Its  policy  was  based  on  a misinter- 
pretation of  the  psychology  of  the  people,  the  econ- 
omics and  dynamics  of  the  Revolution.  The  gov- 
ernments were  represented  in  the  country  by  men 
whose  impoverished  diplomatic  training  and  nar- 
row class  associations  disqualified  them  as  com- 
pletely as  a French  marquis  of  the  eighteenth 
century  was  disqualified  from  discovering  the 
motives  and  the  realities  of  a massive  popular 
movement.  When  they  observed  disquieting 


208 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


symptoms  of  war-weariness,  moral  exhaustion,  and 
political  wilfulness  on  the  part  of  the  active  revo- 
lutionists, they  traced  it  either  to  German  intrigue 
or  to  a temporary  lethargy  or  perversity  of  the 
popular  will.  They  never  even  admitted  that  the 
Revolution  possessed  an  impulse,  a logic,  and  a 
right  of  its  own.  They  could  suggest  only  one 
remedy  for  every  dangerous  symptom  of  revolu- 
tionary independence — the  remedy  of  coercion. 
They  welcomed  the  reactionary  adventure  (in 
Mexico,  Huerta),  because  a military  dictatorship 
which  would  not  scruple  to  purge  the  country  of 
its  radical  agitators  was  to  them  the  beginning  and 
the  end  of  political  wisdom,  and  while  they  were 
counseling  the  use  of  coercion  they  did  not  know 
that  the  power  of  exercising  coercion  had  passed 
from  the  princes,  the  generals,  and  the  barons  to 
councils  of  the  common  people.  As  convinced  of 
Macht-Politik,  they  occupied  the  absurd  position 
of  seeking  to  force  a whole  people,  without  antici- 
pating the  energy  of  their  resistance.” 

If  the  Mexican  question  can  not  be  settled  by 
armed  intervention,  neither  can  it  be  settled  by 
diplomacy.  The  sooner  we  come  to  that  realiza- 
tion the  better.  We  might  as  well  stop  fooling 
ourselves  with  the  fond  hope  that  some  morning 
we  shall  awaken  to  find  the  papers  announcing 
that,  by  a shuffling  of  the  political  cards,  the 
Mexican  problem  has  been  solved.  It  will  never 
be  solved  by  the  signing  of  treaties,  by  the  agree- 
ment of  commissions  on  boundary  questions,  by 
the  negotiations  of  loans  and  concessions,  or  by  the 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  209 


triumph  of  this  or  that  political  leader,  either  in 
Mexico  or  the  United  States.  This  is  a question 
not  of  stopping  a fight,  but  of  solving  a problem. 
It  is  not  a revolution  to  be  crushed,  but  an  evolu- 
tion to  be  guided. 

And  the  evolution  involves  far  more  than  a 
purely  economic  and  educational  problem,  if  by 
these  are  meant  only  a proper  distribution  of  the 
land  and  a teaching  of  the  people  to  read  and 
write.  Above  all  else,  it  is  a question  of  character. 
It  will  do  little  good  to  distribute  lands  to  the 
people  who  have  no  ambition  to  work  those  lands, 
or  who  are  not  sufficiently  trained  to  protect  their 
rights  and  exercise  their  duties  as  citizens.  It  is 
very  easy  to  say.  Let  us  give  every  man  a piece  of 
land,  but  the  next  question  is.  What  he  is  going  to 
do  with  that  land?  Men  who  have  never  had  any 
wants  except  that  of  enough  food  to  keep  body  and 
soul  together,  and  of  enough  clothes  to  hide  their 
nakedness,  who  have  no  aspirations  in  life,  who 
know  nothing  of  developing  a home,  who  have 
never  used  any  furniture,  who  care  nothing  for  a 
book,  can  not  be  expected  to  do  a great  deal  with 
the  things  that  are  given  to  them.  Of  course,  the 
real  Indian  has  a native  instinct  for  the  land,  and 
would  probably  use  his  little  plot  at  any  time  that 
he  had  the  opportunity,  but  it  is  very  much  to  be 
doubted  whether  the  millions  of  peons  who  have 
come  into  contact  with  modern  life  and  partaken 


210 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


of  modem  vices,  would  be  benefited  by  receiving  a 
little  plot  of  land,  unless  they  were  taught  how  to 
appreciate  it. 

In  saying  that  diplomacy  can  never  solve 
Mexico’s  problems,  I am  not  ignoring  the  fact  that 
relations  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico 
must  be  cordial  if  much  progress  is  ever  to  be 
made  in  those  things  which  will  really  bring  that 
solution,  for  Mexico  must  depend  upon  the 
United  States  to  a large  extent  to  furnish  the 
munitions  of  war  in  her  campaign  against  ignor- 
ance, superstition,  and  selfishness.  The  path  of  our 
diplomatic  intercourse  and  of  doing  away  with 
misunderstandings  between  the  two  countries 
seems  to  be  clear.  Now,  as  never  before,  Mexico 
is  willing  to  accept  our  friendship.  In  the  past,  a 
spirit  of  ultra-nationalism  and  suspicion  and  mis- 
understanding has  kept  her  from  a willingness  to 
do  this.  As  has  already  been  pointed  out,  how- 
ever, these  things  are  passing  rapidly.  It  seems  to 
me,  then,  that  our  Government  should  back  up  the 
Carranza  Government  in  a strong,  consistent,  con- 
tinuous way,  aiding  it  in  securing  necessary  funds 
for  rehabilitation,  for  larger  educational  develop- 
ment, for  the  pursuit  of  bandits,  and  for  strength- 
ening the  general  program  which  the  Carranza 
Government  has  outlined  for  the  great  problem  of 
reconstruction.  It  is  not  my  purpose  to  go  into  an 
explanation  of  how  this  might  be  done.  Our  diplo- 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  21 1 


mats  understand  this,  however,  very  well.  For- 
tunately, the  American  Ambassador  in  Mexico  at 
the  present  time  is  a man  who  thoroughly  compre- 
hends the  sensitive  Latin-American  character, 
and  who  is  recognized  by  the  Mexican  people  as 
sympathic  toward  their  legitimate  aspirations. 
Our  Government  has  recognized  that  Carranza 
offers  the  best  hope  for  the  bringing  about  of  order 
and  peace  in  Mexico.  Our  Government  should, 
therefore,  throw  its  full  strength  and  influence 
toward  supporting  him.  We,  as  a strong  nation, 
can  well  afford  to  forget  some  of  his  weaknesses  and 
ultra-nationalistic  tendencies  in  the  past,  and 
frankly  develop  a program  that  will  strengthen  his 
hands. 

If  neither  armed  intervention  nor  diplomacy  can 
permanently  settle  Mexico’s  problems,  neither 
will  education,  the  other  remedy,  most  generally 
proposed,  if  by  education  is  meant  simply  the 
elimination  of  illiteracy.  The  mere  teaching  of  the 
people  to  read  and  write  often  has  no  more  effect, 
as  Senor  Pani  has  recently  pointed  out  in  his  in- 
vestigation of  primary  education  in  Mexico,  than 
to  cause  the  lower  classes  to  become  dissatisfied 
with  their  lot.^  There  are  others  who  think  that 
vocational  education  is  the  thing  needed.  Foreign 

'Alberto  J.  Pan!,  “Un  Encuesta  sobre  Educacion  Popular.” 
This  is  a most  suggestive  treatise  on  popular  education,  contain- 
ing the  opinions  of  many  leading  Mexicans  on  the  education  of 
the  masses. 


212 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


business  men,  who  believe  in  the  development  of 
the  natural  resources  of  the  country  as  the  secret 
of  solving  her  problems,  are  often,  in  connection 
with  such  development,  willing  to  advance  voca- 
tional training.  Mr.  Henry  Ford  has  described  in 
a recent  number  of  El  Norte  Americano  a most 
worthy  effort  to  help  the  Mexicans  by  training 
their  young  men  in  his  Detroit  factory,  in  order  to 
send  them  back  to  be  foremen  in  the  tractor  fac- 
tories which  he  proposes  to  establish.  He  puts  the 
matter  in  the  following  way: 

“The  principal  object  in  inviting  the  Mexican 
Government  to  send  us  a hundred  young  men  of 
the  different  social  classes  who  desired  to  educate 
themselves  in  our  methods  of  work  and  ideals  of 
life,  was  to  give  a practical  effect  to  the  promise  of 
President  Wilson,  who  offered  the  friendship  of  the 
American  people  to  Mexico.  Another  object  was 
to  place  the  Mexicans  in  position  to  consider  the 
Americans  from  a different  viewpoint  than  that 
from  which  they  have  considered  them  heretofore, 
due  to  the  fact  that  they  have  principally  known 
them  as  exploiters.  . . 

The  Secretary  of  Agriculture  for  Mexico  made 
the  selection  and  demonstrated  an  admirable 
knowledge  of  the  necessities  of  each  class  as  also 
of  each  section  of  the  country.  The  young  men 
who  have  come  to  our  factories  represent  all  classes 
of  Mexican  society.  They  are  employed  at  the 
regular  rate  of  salary,  the  minimum  of  which  is  six 
dollars  a day  after  three  months’  work. 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  213 


In  the  matter  of  intelligence  they  equal  the 
average  American  workman  and  show  a great  de- 
sire to  work,  which  is  the  principal  thing.  During 
the  teaching  they  are  passed  through  the  various 
departments  of  the  factory  to  familiarize  them 
with  all  the  operations  that  enter  into  the  manu- 
facture of  the  machine.  This  gives  them  an  ad- 
mirable preparation  for  the  work  which  they  will 
do  on  their  return  to  Mexico.  For  the  benefit  of 
those  who  do  not  know  English  we  have  established 
educational  classes  in  the  shops,  which  impart  not 
only  a knowledge  of  the  English  language  but  also 
certain  American  ideals.” 

Mr.  Edward  L.  Doheny  has  recently  contributed 
$100,000  to  establish  a foundation  to  investigate 
the  educational  needs  of  Mexico,  which  evidently 
looks  to  the  development  of  vocational  education 
among  the  Mexican  people. 

This  is  all  excellent,  as  far  as  it  goes,  but  work- 
ing for  foreign  business  concerns  will  help  only  a 
few  and  in  a material  way.  Nothing  could  be  more 
unfortunate  than  to  turn  the  Latin  from  the  one 
extreme  of  idealism  to  the  other  of  a crass  mate- 
rialism. 

Education  in  Mexico  must,  first  of  all,  look  to 
character.  This  means,  of  course,  that  it  will  be 
closely  bound  up  with  a man’s  power  to  make  a 
living,  but  not  this  only.  It  must  also  be  bound 
up  with  the  matter  of  citizenship  and  with  an 
emphasis  on  the  relationship  of  all  the  great  past 


214 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


to  the  present,  and  of  the  whole  world  to  each 
nation  and  to  each  individual.  The  provincialism 
of  a people,  their  narrow  outlook,  their  suspicion 
of  the  world,  their  egotism  concerning  their  ovm 
accomplishments,  their  impatience  at  slow  results, 
can  be  overcome  only  by  teaching  them  the  great 
evolutionary  processes  through  which  the  world 
has  struggled  up  from  the  past,  and  its  present 
interrelated  and  progressive  development.  The 
moral  emphasis  must,  more  and  more,  predominate 
in  education.  The  words  of  Theodore  Roosevelt 
to  the  Brazilians  are  most  applicable  to  the 
Mexicans : 

“Character  must  ever  outrank  genius  and  intel- 
lect. The  State  can  not  prosper  unless  the  average 
man  can  take  care  of  himself;  and  neither  can  it 
prosper  unless  the  average  man  realizes  that,  in 
addition  to  taking  care  of  himself,  he  must  work 
with  his  fellows  with  good  sense  and  honesty,  and  a 
practical  acknowledgment  of  obligation  to  the 
community  as  a whole  for  the  things  that  are  vital 
to  the  interests  of  the  community  as  a whole.” 

One  of  the  great  difficulties  that  the  Carranza 
Government  is  experiencing  at  the  present  time  in 
bringing  about  order  is  the  fact  that  they  do  not 
have  enough  honest  men  to  fill  the  responsible 
positions.  Many  times,  when  a general  is  entrusted 
with  an  expedition  against  a group  of  bandits, 
instead  of  pursuing  the  campaign,  he  wastes  his 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  215 


time  and  resources  in  riotous  living.  It  is  very 
difficult  to  get  a sufficient  number  of  honest  men  to 
handle  responsibilities.  This  is  one  thing  that 
accounts  for  such  a large  number  of  young  Pro- 
testants having  been  appointed  to  office  in  the 
Carranza  Government.  Having  been  educated  by 
American  teachers,  they  have  had  the  matter  of 
honesty  drilled  into  them.  One  of  these,  a young 
officer,  was  appointed  paymaster  for  one  of  the 
leading  generals,  who  was  going  to  Morelos  to 
campaign  against  Zapata.  After  the  young 
fellow  had  been  there  for  some  time  he  wanted  to 
be  sent  to  the  front,  but  the  general  informed 
him  that  this  would  be  impossible,  for,  since  he  was 
the  only  man  he  had  ever  found  who  carried  his 
accounts  absolutely  straight,  he  must  remain  in 
the  position. 

The  new  education  in  Mexico  must  not  only 
seek  that  ideal  combination  of  the  cultural  and  the 
vocational  which  is  one  of  the  most  pressing 
educational  problems  of  our  day,  but  must  unite 
with  genuine  patriotism  a passion  for  universal 
brotherhood.  Individualism  is  recognized  by  all 
Latin  psychologists  as  being  the  most  outstanding 
characteristic  of  their  people.  It  has  been  the  rock 
on  which  the  bark  of  democratic  government  has 
most  often  wrecked  itself.  As  Jose  Marmol  in  his 
celebrated  “Amalia,”  which  tells  the  story  of  the 


2I6 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


Argentine  Dictator,  Rosas,  has  one  of  his  charac- 
ters say; 

“A  party  is  not  powerful  through  numbers  but 
through  union.  Let  us  study  carefully  the  poli- 
tical system  of  Rosas  and  we  shall  find  the  secret 
of  his  power  to  be  in  the  disassociation  of  the 
citizens — a spirit  of  constitutional  indolence, 
natural  to  the  race,  serves  to  complete  the  work 
of  our  moral  disorganization  and  we  meet,  we 
talk,  we  agree  today  and  tomorrow  we  separate, 
we  betray  each  other,  or  at  least  we  neglect  to 
meet  again.  Without  cooperation,  without  the 
spirit  of  cooperation,  without  the  hope  of  being 
able  to  improvise  that  lever  of  European  power 
and  European  progress  called  cooperation,  on 
what  can  we  count  for  the  work  we  propose  to 
accomplish?” 

To  which  the  hero,  with  the  young  enthusiasm 
of  hope,  replies;  “Yes,  cooperation  today  to  defend 
ourselves  against  Rosas;  cooperation  tomorrow  to 
organize  the  society  of  our  country ; cooperation  in 
politics  to  give  her  liberty  and  law ; cooperation  in 
commerce,  in  industry,  in  literature,  and  in  science 
to  give  her  learning  and  progress;  cooperation  in 
religion  to  cultivate  the  morality  and  the  virtues, 
which  we  lack. 

Would  you  have  a country,  would  you  have 
liberty,  would  you  have  free  institutions?  Unite 
against  the  enemy  of  our  social  reformation — 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  217 


ignorance;  against  the  instigator  of  our  savage 
passions — political  fanaticism;  against  the  propa- 
gator of  our  disunion,  of  our  vices,  of  our  raucorous 
passions,  of  our  vain  and  stubborn  spirit — religious 
skepticism !” 

As  a part  and  parcel  of  this  spirit  of  unity,  which 
Mexican  educators  pointed  out  to  me  in  recent  in- 
vestigations as  so  necessary  to  inculcate,  they 
emphasize  also  the  spirit  of  service.  Only  those 
who  have  a real  desire  to  serve  the  common  good 
will  be  willing  to  sink  individualistic  desires  for  the 
accomplishment  of  a common  purpose.  Or  In  other 
words,  only  as  one  is  willing  to  hang  for  a cause, 
will  he  be  willing  to  hang  together  with  others. 
Service,  then,  must  be  another  strong  emphasis  In 
the  educational  program  which  will  lead  Mexico 
into  the  new  life. 

The  success  of  an  experiment  with  which  I am 
familiar,  carried  out  along  these  lines,  though  on  a 
small  scale,  demonstrates  the  readiness  of  the 
Mexican  to  respond  to  such  educational  oppor- 
tunities. Finding  that.  In  the  border  town  of 
Piedras  Negras  where  I was  living,  there  was  no 
place  for  young  men  to  assemble  in  the  evenings, 
no  school  above  the  sixth  grade,  no  literary  socie- 
ties, lecture  courses,  public  library,  or  anything 
in  fact  to  develop  the  cultural  side  of  the  people, 
we  decided  to  open  a little  reading  room  in  the 
comer  room  of  our  residence.  We  did  not  know 


2I8 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


whether  anyone  would  care  at  all  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  few  papers  that  we  were  able  to  secure, 
but  the  first  week  the  room  was  opened  it  was 
crowded  by  young  men  from  the  offices,  stores,  and 
banks.  Only  a very  few  days  had  passed  before 
they  began  to  ask  for  English  classes,  which  were 
soon  opened  in  another  little  room  in  the  rear. 

Later,  a debating  club  was  organized  at  about 
the  time  that  the  semi-annual  gambling  fair  was 
being  held.  At  such  times  a gambling  concern 
brought  all  kinds  of  paraphernalia  to  the  city  and 
placed  these  on  the  main  plaza,  and  the  whole  city 
gave  itself  up  to  gambling,  bull  fights,  and  worse 
things,  for  some  six  weeks.  We  proposed  a dis- 
cussion of  the  question  as  to  whether  or  not  these 
gambling  fairs  were  good  things  for  the  city.  After 
the  objection  that  such  discussion  would  mean  a 
dangerous  criticism  of  the  Government  was  over- 
come, the  debates  were  held  and  proved  very 
lively.  There  had  never  been  any  question  raised 
concerning  the  fair  before.  The  argument  was 
that  it  was  bound  to  be  a good  thing  because,  even 
after  all  the  graft  that  the  government  officials 
had  secured,  there  was  still  left  from  the  amount 
paid  by  the  firms  for  the  concessions  about  $10,000 
(pesos),  which  last  year  had  been  given  toward  the 
building  of  a new  school.  The  debates  aroused 
unusual  interest.  The  little  reading  room  was 
entirely  too  small.  The  young  men  said,  “We  have 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  219 


never  heard  of  such  arguments  as  are  being  brought 
out  here,  against  what  we  have  considered  estab- 
lished institutions.  All  of  the  people  ought  to  hear 
these  discussions.  We  must  have  a large  hall,  so 
that  these  important  matters  shall  get  to  the  ears 
of  the  public  in  general.” 

The  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  and 
the  Director  were  asked  to  wait  on  the  minicipal 
president,  to  secure  from  him  the  municipal  thea- 
ter. After  a good  deal  of  persuasion  he  gave  his 
consent.  “Well,  Senor  Presidente,  if  we  are  to  have 
a large  meeting  in  the  theater,  then  you  yourself 
should  preside  at  these  discussions  of  questions  of 
community  interest.”  Very  well,  he  would  pre- 
side. “Then,  Senor  Presidente,  if  you  are  to  pre- 
side, the  occasion  will  be  very  important  and  we 
ought  to  have  the  municipal  band.”  All  right,  we 
should  have  the  band.  As  we  were  leaving  the 
office,  the  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction 
suggested  to  me  that  we  should  have  asked  to  have 
the  prisoners  go  round  and  clean  out  the  theater. 
So  we  returned  and  made  that  request.  By  this 
time  he  was  so  accustomed  to  grant  what  we  asked 
that  there  was  no  difficulty  whatever.  On  Sunday 
morning  the  municipal  band  paraded  the  streets  in 
the  same  manner  that  they  would  have  done  to 
advertise  a bull  fight.  Our  little  company  of  de- 
baters, along  with  the  Presidente  and  about  ten 
othpr  of  the  most  prominent  citizens,  met  at  the 


220 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


reading  room  and  marched  in  a body  to  the  thea- 
ter. The  house  was  packed  and  for  two  hours  and 
a half  the  young  men  presented  to  the  public  the 
arguments  against  gambling  and  vice.  The  pro- 
gram was  so  interesting  that  it  was  repeated  the 
following  Sunday  and  for  several  weeks  afterward 
these  confer encias  morales  were  continued.  One 
result  was  the  appointment  of  a committee  to  wait 
on  the  Governor,  and  to  request  the  prohibition  of 
gambling  concessions,  a petition  which  was  granted 
during  the  Governor’s  term  of  office. 

The  mo\'ement  grew  to  such  an  extent  that  it 
was  necessary  to  erect  a building  for  its  activities. 
A prominent  comer  was  secured  through  the  kind- 
ness of  a leading  citizen,  the  Commercial  Club  and 
many  individuals  on  both  sides  of  the  border  con- 
tributed to  the  building  fund,  and  the  next  year 
the  building  was  dedicated  as  part  of  the  official 
celebration  of  the  Centennial  in  1910.  A procession 
was  formed  at  the  municipal  palace,  which  con- 
sisted of  a military  band,  an  escort  of  soldiers, 
members  of  the  City  Council,  the  special  delegate 
sent  by  the  Governor  of  the  state,  and  deputa- 
tions from  the  various  mutual  societies  and  labor 
organizations.  On  arriving  at  the  Institute,  the 
Director  presented  the  key  to  the  Mayor,  who 
opened  the  building  and  dedicated  it  “to  the  ser- 
vice of  humanity.” 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  221 


A program  was  developed,  consisting  of  lectures 
on  all  kinds  of  interesting  topics,  night  classes, 
reading  room,  circulating  library,  outdoor  gym- 
nasium, social  meetings,  and  every  activity  that 
would  seem  to  be  helpful  at  this  particular  time 
in  the  life  of  the  community.  A little  while  after- 
ward, when  the  Madero  Government  came  into 
power  and  Mexico  was  suddenly  called  to  take 
part  in  the  election  of  her  own  officials,  the  young 
men  who  had  been  trained  in  the  debating  clubs 
of  the  People’s  Institute  were  the  ones  who  imme- 
diately came  forward  as  leaders  of  the  new  political 
life. 

The  following  extract  from  an  article  in  the 
Bulletin  of  the  Pan-xAmerican  Union  describes 
further  the  work  of  the  Institute: 

“The  People’s  Institute  is  unique  among  Mexi- 
can institutions.  It  combines  the  work  of  the 
social  settlement,  the  public  library,  the  Charities 
Organization  Society,  the  Society  for  the  Preven- 
tion of  Cruelty  to  Animals,  and  all  the  other  benev- 
olent, educational,  and  reform  organizations  of  the 
ordinary  American  city.  The  Institute  has  stood 
steadily  for  the  community  idea,  by  developing  the 
individual  into  an  efficient  worker  and  wage- 
earner,  and  by  translating  the  ideals  of  morality 
and  good  government  into  terms  of  practical  good 
citizenship.  Cruelty  and  barbarism  are  distressing 
and  undesirable  in  the  abstract;  why  not  in  the 
bull  fight  in  one’s  own  city?  This  turning  of  ab- 
stractions into  practical  morality  of  the  now 


222  INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 

and  here  has  been  the  great  aim  of  the  People’s 
Institute. 

Thus  far  the  active  emphasis  has  been  placed  on 
the  educational  and  civic  points  of  view.  The 
public  schools  of  the  average  town  stop  with  the 
sixth  grade.  Only  state  capitals  have  normal 
schools,  which  correspond  to  the  American  high 
schools.  On  the  first  four  week  nights  the  Insti- 
tute has  classes  in  fifteen  subjects,  including 
Spanish  and  English  shorthand,  typewriting, 
arithmetic,  geometry,  English  language,  Spanish 
language,  Spanish  grammar,  ethics,  hygiene,  and 
gymnasium.  One  hundred  young  men  and  women 
were  enrolled  in  these  classes  in  the  last  term.  Dur- 
ing the  public  school  vacations  the  school  children 
have  club  meetings  on  Monday,  Wednesday,  and 
Friday  afternoons,  when  lessons  in  sewing  and 
music  and  games  and  readings  are  given.  Each 
night,  between  classes,  there  is  a public  conference, 
at  which  current  events,  morals,  philosophy,  or 
history  are  briefly  discussed.  Friday  evenings  are 
given  over  to  games  or  to  a program,  which  may  be 
musical  or  literary,  or  deal  with  some  subject  of 
popular  interest.  Many  of  the  highest  government 
officials,  both  state  and  national,  educators, 
scientists,  and  travelers,  have  appeared  on  the 
Institute  platform.  Heated  discussions  are  held 
by  the  Debating  Club,  which,  like  the  Temperance 
Society  and  the  Humane  Society,  is  composed  of 
and  led  by  the  young  men  and  women  of  the  city. 
The  national  holidays  of  both  the  United  States 
and  Mexico  are  always  celebrated.  One  important 
Avork  of  the  Institute  has  been  to  interpret  the  two 
nations  on  the  Rio  Grande  to  each  other,  and  this 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  223 


is  easiest  when  patriotism  directs  the  thoughts 
and  sentiments  to  the  common  love  of  heroes  and 
of  liberty. 

One  most  encouraging  fact  the  library  records 
of  the  Institute  have  shown — namely,  that  the 
Mexican  likes  good  literature.  Books  on  history, 
science,  and  philosophy  are  much  more  popular 
than  fiction.  Among  the  translations  from  English, 
Emerson  and  Spencer  are  seldom  on  the  shelves, 
while  popular  fiction  grows  dusty  from  disuse. 
Translations  of  Emerson  and  Tolstoy  are  more  in 
demand  than  Cervantes  or  the  modern  Spanish 
novelists. 

To  encourage  the  men  to  stay  at  home  evenings, 
the  library  has  opened  a circulating  department, 
which  loans  games  to  families.  . . 

The  art  of  home-making,  which  is  just  beginning 
to  be  introduced  into  the  public  schools  of  the 
United  States,  must  needs  be  taught  the  Mexican 
girl,  as  well  as  her  Anglo-Saxon  sister.  Like  her 
mother  and  great-grandmother,  she  is  used  to 
doing  things  for  herself.  The  department  store 
does  not  exist  in  Mexico  to  sell  her  what  her 
ingenious  and  skilful  fingers  can  make  so  sur- 
prisingly well.  In  fact,  all  she  needs  to  be  de- 
veloped into  an  ideal  home-maker  is  the  chance  to 
see  the  better  class  Mexican  and  American  home. 
Natural  family  affection  she  has  to  a marked 
degree;  the  power  to  make  and  imitate  she  owes 
to  her  Latin  blood — she  merely  needs  the  Inspira- 
tion of  example,  and  the  merest  pittance  of  money 
to  realize  ambitions  that  will  eventually  make 
Mexico  more  a land  of  homes  than  her  neighbor 
to  the  north  has  been  since  colonial  days. 


224 


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Public  baths,  moving  pictures,  classes  in  domes- 
tic art  and  science,  and  a printing  press,  are  soon 
to  be  installed.  The  press  is  the  first  actual  ven- 
ture in  industrial  education,  although  geometry  is 
taught  to  apprentices  in  boiler-making,  with 
special  regard  to  its  application  in  that  industry, 
the  teacher  being  the  head  of  the  boiler-making 
department  in  the  railroad  shops.  A very  great 
need  of  Mexico  is  the  development  of  skilled  labor, 
and  as  each  demand  and  need  of  the  community 
presents  itself,  the  People’s  Institute  strives  to 
meet  it,  for  it  is  an  institution  of  the  community, 
for  the  community,  and  by  the  community.” 

Perhaps  the  best  test  of  the  success  of  such  an 
experiment  is  the  appeal  which  it  has  made  to 
individuals.  For  example,  a prominent  lauyer  of 
Mexico  City  who  was  appointed  Federal  Judge, 
with  headquarters  at  Piedras  Negras,  found  him- 
self quite  lonely  in  our  modest,  little  city,  after 
having  moved  in  the  best  circles  of  the  capital 
of  the  Republic.  When  invited  to  cooperate  in 
the  work  of  the  People’s  Institute,  he  readily 
accepted  and  soon  became  so  interested  that  he 
gave  practically  all  his  time  outside  of  office  hours 
to  it,  teaching  a class  in  commercial  law,  giving 
lectures,  and  using  the  influence  of  his  position  to 
interest  others  in  the  work. 

Another  gentleman,  who  is  known  widely  in 
our  country  as  well  as  in  Mexico  as  one  of  the 
greatest  living  authorities  on  dry  farming,  Senor 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  225 


Zeferino  Dominguez,  has  given  unstinted  time  to 
the  People’s  Institute,  delivering  lectures,  and  hav- 
ing apparatus  installed  to  demonstrate  the  proper 
selection  of  seed  corn  and  other  subjects  which 
have  interested  greatly  the  agriculturists  of  the 
community.  Senor  Dominguez  believes  that  the 
Mexican  problem  is  not  a political  but  an  economic 
and  social  one.  He  believes  that  the  Mexican  peo- 
ple will  be  quiet  and  industrious  when  they  are 
given  land  to  cultivate  and  shown  how  to  do  it 
in  the  right  way,  and  he  recognized  in  the  People’s 
Institute  an  organization  that  would  go  far  in 
preparing  the  people  for  economic  independence. 

More  or  less  similar  stories  could  be  told  of  such 
men  as  Senor  J.  Kim  Yuen,  Chinese  representative 
to  settle  the  claims  of  his  Government  for  the  Tor- 
reon  massacre;  Professor  Andres  Osuna,  one  of  the 
leading  educators  of  the  country;  and  governors 
and  ex-governors  of  the  Federal  District,  Yucatan, 
Sonora,  and  Sinaloa.  Such  men  as  these  have  been 
interested  in  helping  the  Institute  because  they  saw 
that  it  was  aiding  their  own  people  in  a practical 
way.  This  was  evident  not  only  in  the  changed 
lives  of  certain  young  men,  but  in  the  part  which 
the  Institute  came  to  play  in  the  life  of  the  com- 
munity as  a whole. 

On  a certain  February  twenty-second,  Washing- 
ton’s Birthday,  the  political  situation  was  dark 
Indeed.  It  looked  as  if  the  whole  country  had 


226 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


turned  against  the  Madero  Government.  A 
meeting  was  called  at  the  Institute,  to  which 
were  invited  all  the  government  officials  and  prom- 
inent citizens,  and  a part  of  Washington’s  farewell 
address  was  read,  which  we  had  translated  for  the 
occasion,  and  which  seemed  to  have  been  written 
especially  to  advise  the  Mexicans  in  their  national 
crisis.  The  necessity  of  standing  by  the  consti- 
tuted Government,  the  cost  of  ignoring  authority, 
the  necessity  of  allowing  time  for  reforms  to  be 
carried  out,  were  emphasized.  A committee  was 
organized  to  conduct  conferences  in  the  theater  on 
the  same  subject.  In  two  weeks  such  meetings 
were  being  held  all  over  the  Republic,  and  the 
Government  was  saved,  at  least  temporarily.  Of 
course,  that  meeting  did  not  do  it  all,  but  there  is 
no  doubt  that  it  had  its  influence. 

On  September  i6,  1911,  when  a mob  raged  up 
the  principal  street,  stoning  the  houses  of  for- 
eigners, it  passed  the  Institute  without  any  demon- 
stration whatever  and,  returning  to  the  monument 
in  front  of  the  property,  listened  to  incendiary 
speeches,  without  even  a reference  to  the  foreigners 
who  conducted  the  People’s  Institute.  The  Gov- 
ernor of  the  state,  who  came  to  the  city  the  next 
day,  said  it  was  one  of  the  most  splendid  tributes 
he  ever  saw  paid  to  a work  of  like  character.  At  a 
celebration  of  the  anniversary  of  the  enactment  of 
the  reform  laws,  a national  holiday,  all  of  the 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  227 


orators  of  the  occasion  were  People’s  Institute 
men,  and  the  night  meeting,  contrary  to  all  cus- 
tom, was  held  at  the  Institute  building,  with  the 
Mayor  presiding. 

At  the  close  of  the  Madero  revolution,  as  already 
stated,  the  people  were  a good  deal  at  a loss  when 
they  suddenly  discovered  that  they  were  to  elect 
their  own  officials,  for  the  way  to  organize  a 
political  party  and  to  carry  on  an  election  cam- 
paign was  entirely  foreign  to  their  experience. 
We  considered  it  a privilege,  when  they  sought  our 
help,  to  give  it  to  them.  In  fact,  we  loaned  them 
our  auditorium  for  their  meetings,  and  it  was  there 
that  the  reform  mayor,  who  did  so  much  for  the 
city,  was  nominated.  The  statement  was  made  by 
a high  Mexican  official  that  there  was  not  a man 
who  had  taken  part  in  the  new  political  life  in  that 
part  of  Mexico  who  had  not  gotten  his  training  in 
the  debating  society  and  night  classes  of  the 
Institute. 

This  experiment  in  a small  way  shows  how  the 
Mexicans  would  welcome  a program  of  practical 
education  linked  up  with  nationalistic  aspirations. 

Considerable  interest  in  a school  of  higher  learn- 
ing for  Mexico,  which  would  be  financed  by  the 
friends  of  that  country  in  the  United  States,  was 
aroused  a few  years  ago,  by  a committee  headed 
by  President  Charles  W.  Dabney  of  the  University 
of  Cincinnati.  The  committee’s  activities  were 


228 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


allowed  to  stop  on  account  of  the  War,  but  the  idea 
has  been  taken  up  again  recently  and  has  met  with 
the  warmest  approval  of  prominent  Mexicans,  both 
educators  and  government  officials.  It  is  proposed 
that  the  managing  board  shall  be  an  independent 
body  composed  of  both  Mexicans  and  Americans, 
with  sections  in  the  City  of  Mexico  and  in  New 
York.  The  sum  of  $5,000,000  has  been  named  as 
the  amount  that  should  be  available  for  an  ade- 
quate launching  of  the  enterprise.  It  is  not  to 
duplicate  any  of  the  work  done  by  the  existing 
Government  University  or  its  allied  schools,  but 
to  follow  lines  of  practical  instruction. 

During  recent  extended  conference  with  Mexican 
educators  as  to  the  lines  this  school  should  pursue, 
the  following  words  of  Professor  Ezequiel  Chavez, 
one  of  the  outstanding  leaders,  seemed  to  express 
the  general  idea : 

“Our  whole  national  life  has  been  one  immense 
factory  to  manufacture  the  governing  classes. 
The  foreigners  have  controlled  our  commercial  life, 
operated  our  mines,  our  railroads,  our  stores,  our 
factories.  The  Mexican  has  not  been  willing  to 
risk  either  capital  or  his  own  convenience  In  com- 
mercial enterprises.  Since  the  foreigner  has 
carried  on  all  of  our  economic  life,  what  is  there 
left  to  the  Mexican  to  do?  Why,  simply  to 
govern.  And  so  our  schools  have  prepared  men  for 
governing.  We  need  more  and  different  kinds  of 
training.  Our  people  need  to  enter  many  other 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  229 


lines  instead  of  being  simply  shut  up,  as  in  the  past, 
to  becoming  physicians,  lawyers,  and  engineers. 
Our  educational  system  must  change  so  that  it  can 
direct  the  young  people  into  fifteen  professions 
instead  of  into  three,  and  into  twenty  or  thirty 
different  modes  of  gaining  their  living  and  con- 
tributing to  society.  . . The  new  school  should 

turn  itself  to  developing  leaders  in  our  economic 
and  social  life.  I do  not  mean  to  make  our  educa- 
tion entirely  practical,  leaving  out  all  of  the 
humanities,  as  Germany  has  done.  We  must  see 
that  the  school  introduces  young  people  into 
useful  livelihood  and  trains  them  at  the  same  time 
to  be  good  citizens.” 

Carrying  out  this  idea,  it  is  proposed  to  have  the 
institution  begin  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  with  a 
Normal  Institute,  and  a Foundation  School — 
using  the  term  as  it  is  understood  in  Berea  College 
— which  will  prepare  students  either  for  entrance 
into  the  Normal  Institute  or  to  become  skilled 
operatives  in  various  trades.  The  details  of  this 
plan  are  given  in  full  in  Appendix  I. 

It  is  impossible  to  estimate  the  good  that  such 
an  institution  would  accomplish  in  the  establish- 
ment of  a better  understanding  between  the  two 
neighboring  peoples.  From  such  a school  would 
grow  all  kinds  of  movements  that  would  contribute 
to  the  development  of  friendship.  Commerce, 
labor,  the  fine  arts,  literature,  social  and  moral 
movements,  and  other  helpful  forces  in  either 


230 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


country  could  find  through  it  easy  contact  with 
kindred  circles  in  the  other. 

One  matter  that  is  evidently  so  far  reaching  that 
it  should,  by  all  means,  be  linked  up  with  such  an 
institution,  is  the  exchange  of  students  between 
the  two  countries.  There  is  nothing  that  is  more 
largely  demanded  or  that  offers  a greater  range  of 
influence. 

It  is  as  clear  as  a bell  that  we  must  spend  some 
time  and  money  in  the  development  of  such 
institutions  as  this,  which  will  get  down  below  the 
motives  of  commerce  and  politics  on  which  we 
have  depended  for  a hundred  years,  if  the  two 
peoples  are  to  live  not  only  peaceably,  but  agree- 
ably together  as  neighbors. 

In  discussing  the  problem  of  relations  between 
Mexico  and  the  United  States,  and  the  place  of 
education  in  the  same,  there  remains  yet  an 
important  force  to  consider.  There  is  a large  body 
of  American  teachers  in  Mexico,  who  are  con- 
nected with  schools,  some  of  which  have  been 
conducted  for  half  a century.  Generally  speaking, 
these  teachers  are  the  Americans  who  have  been 
longest  in  the  country,  have  most  completely 
mastered  the  language  and  identified  themselves 
with  the  people,  and  most  thoroughly  enjoy  the 
confidence  of  the  Mexicans.  These  teachers  have 
largely  been  supported  by  American  missionary 
societies,  and  so  far  from  being  thought  of  as 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  231 


exploiting  the  people,  they  have  generally 
earned  the  reputation  of  rendering  an  unselfish 
service,  without  the  aid  of  which  the  Mexican 
people  would  have  fared  a good  deal  worse  than 
they  have  in  educational  matters.  A large  number 
of  these  schools  have  been  for  the  training  of 
teachers,  and  because  of  the  large  number  of  teach- 
ers which  they  have  furnished  the  Government, 
the  public  school  system  has  been  able  to  grow 
at  a much  more  rapid  rate  than  that  at  which  the 
system  itself  could  produce  teachers.  The  Govern- 
ment has  practically  always  been  ready  to  take 
every  possible  graduate  these  schools  could  turn 
over  to  it,  and  not  infrequently  it  has  subsidized 
the  schools  in  order  to  speed  up  their  production 
of  teachers  for  the  public  service. 

This  might  appear  strange  to  some  who  think 
that  these  schools  are  conducted  for  purposes  of 
sectarian  propaganda.  That  this  is  distinctively 
not  their  purpose,  but  that  they  are  carried  on 
with  a sincere  desire  to  contribute  to  the  real 
education  of  the  Mexican  people  a development  of 
character,  a power  of  choice,  and  freedom  of  con- 
science, is  shown  by  their  universal  popularity, 
even  among  those  of  a different  faith. 

The  work  of  these  American  mission  schools, 
which  in  the  past  the  general  public  did  not  seem  to 
regard  as  of  much  significance,  has  suddenly  been 
shown  to  be  one  of  the  strong  forces  in  the  making 


232 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


of  a new  Mexico.  Tried  in  the  crucible  of  one  of 
the  most  hotly  contested  civil  disturbances  ever 
known,  the  Mexicans  educated  in  these  schools 
and  partaking  of  the  principles  there  imparted 
have  suddenly  been  thrust  to  the  top  of  this 
seething  national  life  and  compelled  to  take 
positions  of  responsibility.  They  are  found  from 
one  end  of  the  Republic  to  the  other,  as  governors 
of  states,  assistants  to  cabinet  ministers,  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Government  in  foreign  coun- 
tries, legislators,  directors  of  departments  in 
national,  state,  and  municipal  education,  mayors 
of  cities,  officers  of  the  Army,  not  to  mention  the 
large  number  in  more  obscure  but  no  less  impor- 
tant places  as  individual  teachers,  both  in  the 
big  centers  and  the  small  out-of-the-way  hamlets. 

A most  daring  educational  program,  that  in- 
cludes comprehensive  plans,  not  only  for  a system 
of  schools,  but  also  for  social,  literary,  and  medical 
activities,  has  recently  been  worked  out  by  this 
group  of  Americans.  In  1914,  when  the  Revolu- 
tion had  driven  a large  number  of  them  to  this 
country,  a conference  was  held  in  Cincinnati  to 
consider  how  the  work  could  be  enlarged  and  made 
more  efficient,  in  order  to  render  more  immediate 
and  widespread  help  to  Mexico.  Plans  proposed 
at  that  conference  were  studied,  tested,  enlarged, 
and  changed  according  to  the  best  advice  from  the 
Mexicans  themselves,  until  at  a conference  in 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  233 


Mexico  City  in  February,  1919,  when  both 
Americans  and  nationals  spent  several  days  to- 
gether, the  results  of  these  years  of  study  were 
drawn  up  in  a comprehensive  program. 

When  the  survey  of  the  whole  situation  was 
made,  it  was  found  that  before  any  very  much 
enlarged  service  could  be  given  to  the  whole  Mexi- 
can people,  a more  scientific  arrangement  of  the 
work  already  in  hand  would  have  to  take  place. 
The  survey  showed,  for  example,  that  in  one  city 
of  35,000  there  were  three  large  normal  schools, 
supported  by  as  many  separate  American  socie- 
ties, with  some  eight  American  resident  workers, 
whereas  in  another  whole  state  with  a population  of 
1 ,000,000,  there  was  not  a single  American  worker. 

A radical  readjustment  was  therefore  agreed 
upon,  so  that  each  one  of  the  eight  societies  in- 
volved would  become  responsible  for  a certain 
distinct  territory.  This  involved  the  uprooting 
of  long-established  ties,  turning  over  work  to 
others,  and  in  two  cases  the  abandonment  of  all 
the  territory  formerly  occupied  and  the  taking  up 
of  work  in  an  entirely  new  field.  But,  for  the  sake 
of  the  general  good,  in  order  that  no  part  of  the 
country  might  be  neglected,  the  readjustments, 
though  with  many  a heartache,  have  now  been 
made.  Each  society  knows  for  just  how  much 
territory,  how  many  people,  and  what  towns  it  is 
responsible. 


234 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


With  this  fundamental  basis  which  will  eliminate 
all  duplication,  the  following  program  for  schools 
has  been  outlined: 

Eight  agricultural  schools  are  to  be  opened  in 
as  many  different  parts  of  the  Republic,  so  that 
the  problems  of  the  various  conditions — highland, 
lowland,  arid,  and  tropical — can  be  worked  upon. 
For  the  industrial  worker  in  communities,  a series 
of  trade  schools  is  to  be  established  in  every  state 
capital  and  in  certain  other  large  industrial  cen- 
ters. These  trade  schools  are  designed,  not  to 
teach  the  students  foreign  trades,  but  to  help 
them  to  develop  more  highly  and  efficiently  the 
arts  of  the  local  community.  No  one  who  has 
gone  through  Mexico  with  open  eyes,  even  as  a 
tourist,  can  have  helped  noting  how  extensively 
different  communities  have  developed  their  spe- 
cialties, Saltillo  serapes,  Aguascalientes  drawn 
work,  Cuernavaca  pottery,  Pueblo  vases,  and  the 
like.  Each  Indian  tribe  also  has  its  specialty  in 
which  it  excels  and  generally  makes  with  remarka- 
ble skill.  Both  the  agricultural  schools  and  the 
trade  schools  are  to  be  netamente  nacional — 
entirely  national.  The  agricultural  schools  located 
among  the  Indians  will  give  themselves  not  only 
to  working  on  the  land  problem,  but  to  manual 
training  and  preparation  of  rural  teachers. 

These  American  teachers,  who  have  lived  in 
Mexico  long  enough  to  become  thoroughly  adapted 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  235 


to  the  life  of  the  people,  are  desirous  of  contributing 
their  part  toward  working  out  in  practice  the 
theories  of  cultural  development  which  Sr.  Manuel 
Gamio,  Director  of  Ethnology  in  the  Department 
of  the  Interior  of  the  Mexican  Government,  has 
recently  outlined  in  his  book,  “Forjando  P atria.” 
If  space  permitted  it  would  be  desirable  to  quote 
extensively  from  this  admirable  treatise,  but  I will 
only  cite  two  passages: 

‘We  propose  concretely: 

1.  That  an  attempt  be  made  to  crush  out  or 
diminish  the  ridiculous  exotic  tendencies  which 
make  us  unconditionally  prefer  industry  of  foreign 
character  and  disdain  our  own. 

2.  To  encourage  first  of  all  the  production  of  our 
typical  industry,  to  the  end  that  not  only  its  con- 
sumption in  the  country  may  be  increased,  but  the 
demand  which  has  always  existed  for  it  outside 
may  be  supplied  and  augmented. 

3.  To  apply  the  technical  methods  of  the  for- 
eign industries  to  the  similar  typical  industries  and 
sensibly  to  bring  about  the  fusion  of  the  two,  as 
was  done  spontaneously  and  so  brilliantly  during 
the  colonial  period. 

4.  To  send  our  workers  to  foreign  industrial 
centers,  that  they  may  incorporate  foreign  experi- 
ence with  their  traditional  industrial  aptitudes. 

5.  To  establish  in  foreign  countries  expositions 
of  Mexican  typical  products  and  in  Mexico  exposi- 
tions of  new  foreign  industries  unknown  to  us.”* 


* Page  262. 


236 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


And  again:  “It  is  an  error  to  expect  that  the 
same  law  shall  apply  to  the  Lacandon  of  Chiapas, 
who  goes  naked  and  lives  by  hunting  and  fishing 
in  a wild  tropical  district,  where  no  other  idea  of 
the  nation  is  held  than  that  constituted  by  his 
mountains,  his  women,  and  his  children;  to  the 
frontiersman  of  the  north,  into  whom  have  filtered 
and  percolated  the  language,  the  idiom,  the 
industry,  the  aptitudes  of  the  American;  to  the 
inhabitant  of  the  high  tablelands,  conservator  of 
the  traditions,  the  customs,  and  the  religion  of  the 
past;  to  the  dweller  in  the  seaport,  liberal  and 
innovator;  to  the  frontiersman  of  the  south, 
whose  culture  is  more  Central  American  than 
Mexican;  to  the  Indian  in  general,  helpless  and 
illiterate,  who  speaks  a diversity  of  idioms,  lives  in 
unlike  climates  and  differs  in  customs ; to  the  man 
of  culture,  active,  progressive  in  tendencies;  to 
the  individual  of  aristocratic  lineage  who  has  been 
educated  (?)  abroad  and  who,  when  he  returns 
to  his  native  hearth,  displays  a really  repulsive 
hybridism  in  customs  and  ideas. 

From  this  contest,  there  is  born  what  may  be 
called  ‘cultural  cleavage’;  a great  part  of  this 
middle  class,  which  feels  more  the  environment  in 
which  it  has  developed  and  the  historical  antece- 
dents which  brought  it  near  the  native  class, 
adopted  an  intermediate  culture,  which  is  neither 
the  native  nor  the  western.  We  cite  some  mani- 
festations of  this  culture:  the  popular  music,  which 
Ponce  in  most  noble  effort  exerted  himself  to  make 
known,  is  not  native  music,  nor  is  it  European; 
it  is  something  intermediate,  the  technique,  the 
mechanical  part,  of  which  is  occidental,  but  which 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  237 


in  character  and  sentiment  strongly  arouse  the 
native  soul.  Our  sculptors,  who  in  Guadalajara, 
in  Mexico,  and  in  other  places  make  little  figures 
of  clay  and  wax  or  typically  decorated  vases,  are 
the  true  national  sculptors,  however  much  the 
public  may,  foolishly,  consider  this  work  as  mere 
curious  rubbish.  The  decorative  designs  which 
are  used  in  the  lacquer  industry,  pottery,  textile 
fabrics,  and  a thousand  other  things,  are  the 
legitimate  Mexican  decorations;  they  were  in- 
spired by  our  sky,  by  our  soil,  by  our  plants,  by 
our  animals,  even  by  the  ancient  polytheistic 
religious  conceptions  of  the  pre-Hispanic  Indians. 
As  much  might  be  said  of  the  literature,  the  archi- 
tecture, and  even  of  the  very  special  character 
which  religious  ideas  show  in  this  class.  The 
‘intermediate  culture’  originated  immediately  after 
the  conquest,  it  being  necessary,  in  order  to  under- 
stand perfectly  what  is  here  said,  to  examine  among 
other  manifestations  the  transitional  artistic  work 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  This  ‘intermediate  cul- 
ture’, like  that  of  the  native  class,  has  developed 
without  principles,  method,  or  facilities;  it  is 
natural  that  it  presents  frequent  deficiencies  and 
even  deformities,  like  everything  that  has  to 
flourish,  conquering  obstacles.  It  is,  nevertheless, 
the  national  culture,  that  of  the  future,  that  which 
will  end  by  imposing  itself  when  the  population, 
being  ethnically  homogeneous,  feels  and  under- 
stands it.  It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  it  is  the 
resultant  of  the  European  and  the  modified  native, 
or  pre-Hispanic.”  ® 


’ Page  175. 


238 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


It  will  be  one  of  the  main  purposes  of  these 
agricultural  and  trade  schools  to  work  out  this 
problem  of  the  blending  of  different  cultures,  in 
order  to  bring  the  Mexican  into  a place  of  high 
usefulness  as  a citizen  of  his  own  country  and  the 
world  at  large. 

The  second  division  of  the  educational  program 
has  to  do  with  strengthening  the  already  extensive 
work  of  the  normal  schools.  Several  new  normal 
schools  are  to  be  built  in  districts  which  now  have 
none,  and  the  training  of  men  teachers  is  to  be 
provided  for,  since  heretofore  almost  all  these 
schools  were  for  women  only. 

All  of  this  school  work  is  to  be  coordinated  under 
one  organization,  with  headquarters  in  Mexico 
City,  and  an  outstanding  Mexican  educator,  now 
occupying  a prominent  place  in  government  edu- 
cation, has  been  called  as  the  secretary  of  the 
organization.  This  is  still  another  of  the  provi- 
sions, which  are  being  made  at  every  step  in  these 
enlarged  plans,  to  make  sure  that  all  shall  be 
absolutely  national  and  in  no  sense  an  exotic  plant. 

The  third  division  of  the  program  is  social.  It 
has  not  escaped  the  observation  of  these  Ameri- 
cans that  the  Mexican  people  in  their  efforts  to 
develop  a democracy  have  no  way  of  getting  to- 
gether under  pleasant  auspices  to  discuss  their 
problems.  How  much  the  United  States  owes  to 
the  town  meetings,  the  chatauquas,  the  public 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  239 


library  extension  work,  the  public  debates,  the 
forums,  and  the  many  civic  associations,  with 
and  without  buildings,  whose  business  it  is  to 
foster  discussion  of  public  questions  and  to  en- 
courage organization  for  community  improve- 
ment! So  it  is  intended  to  organize  in  each  town 
of  importance  a community  center.  This  will 
not  only  be  a rallying  point  for  all  who  are  inter- 
ested in  the  country’s  development,  but  through 
night  classes,  circulating  library,  gymnasium,  and 
other  agencies  it  will  especially  contribute  to  the 
education  of  adults. 

The  fourth  part  of  the  program  has  to  do  with 
the  popularizing  of  medical  knowledge  and  sani- 
tation among  the  poorer  classes.  This  will  be 
done  by  Mexican  physicians,  who  have  already 
worked  on  this  program  as  much  as  their  limited 
means  would  permit,  through  labor  organizations, 
schools,  and  industrial  plants.  It  is  hoped  also  to 
erect  a certain  number  of  hospitals  where  these  are 
most  needed. 

The  fifth  division  refers  to  the  production  of 
good  literature.  The  union  of  the  various  printing 
establishments  already  conducted  by  these  organi- 
zations in  different  parts  of  the  Republic  has  been 
consummated,  and  a publishing  house  and  book- 
store, with  a M^eekly  periodical,  have  been  started 
in  the  City  of  Mexico.  It  is  hoped  to  produce  good 
literature,  school  textbooks,  popular  stories,  and 


240 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


other  books  that  will  help  to  relieve  the  situation 
spoken  of  by  Sr.  Gamio,  who  says: 

“When  on  account  of  lack  of  books,  more  ad- 
vanced reading  than  the  primer  and  first  reader  is 
not  possible,  the  knowledge  of  reading  appears  idle 
and  unproductive.  Nevertheless,  for  the  majority 
of  those  who  learn  how  to  read  there  remains  no 
other  resource,  because  there  are  few  who  can 
secure  a more  extensive  education  or  even  have 
the  opportunity  of  obtaining  printed  matter  of  any 
sort.  To  what  is  this  fact  due,  which  directly  and 
indirectly  contributes  to  maintain  illiteracy?  It  is 
that  in  Mexico  the  pamphlet,  the  book,  and  publi- 
cations generally,  have  always  been  costly  and  for 
that  reason  not  adequate  to  the  diversity  of  stan- 
dards of  the  population.  Provision  has  been  made, 
though  insufficiently,  for  the  intellectual  ‘elite’, 
who  can  pay  for  what  they  read,  and  for  the  city 
youth  by  supplying  them  with  schoolbooks.  But 
is  not  the  rest  of  the  population,  the  great  mass 
which  longs  to  gather  knowledge  through  reading, 
worth  attention?” 

Such  a program  as  this  may  not  appear  to  some 
to  be  at  all  commensurate  with  the  largeness  of  the 
problem  involved,  yet  history  teaches  us  that  even 
from  small  beginnings,  the  right  kind  of  move- 
ments develop  rapidly  until  their  influence  is  soon 
felt  in  every  part  of  national  life.  If  this  program 
were  faithfully  carried  out  with  enthusiasm, 
efficiency,  and  a free  pouring  out  of  life  and  wealth, 
the  results  would  be  very  quickly  seen — probably 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  241 


a good  deal  more  quickly  than  the  results  of  armed 
intervention.  If  some  thrifty  individual  who  has 
been  taught  by  our  War  Savings  Stamp  Campaign 
to  count  the  pennies,  thinks  that  this  program  in- 
volves too  much  of  a financial  expenditure,  let  him 
meditate  on  the  following;  The  United  States 
Government  spent  enough  on  guarding  the  border 
and  the  Pershing  expedition  into  Mexico,  during 
the  year  of  the  Columbus  raid,  to  build  in  every 
town  in  Mexico  of  more  than  4,000  people,  a col- 
lege, a community  center,  a hospital,  and  a church, 
and  to  equip  them  magnificently,  and  there  would 
be  left  over  a sufficient  amount  to  endow  the  public 
school  system  of  each  of  these  towns  with  some 
$700,000.  There  would  still  be  left  a tidy  little 
sum  of  $15,000,000  for  other  parts  of  the  program 
of  education  and  the  production  of  good  litera- 
ture. 

Our  Mexican  neighbors,  if  we  will  fully  recognize 
their  own  national  life  and  their  peculiar  culture, 
will  be  only  too  glad  to  accept  the  help  of  a friendly 
neighbor,  and  America  is  big  enough  to  undertake 
this  help  in  a really  big  way.  As  President  Butler 
says ; 

“One  of  the  earliest  questions  recorded  in  history 
is  the  petulant  query  of  Cain,  ‘Am  I my  brother’s 
keeper?’  On  the  answer  to  this  question  all 
civilization  depends.  If  a man  is  not  his  brother’s 


242 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


keeper,  if  he  may  slay  and  rob  and  ravage  at  will 
for  his  own  advantage,  whether  that  be  personal 
or  national,  then  civilization  becomes  quite  impos- 
sible. We  are  our  brothers’  keepers  and  they  are 
ours.  . . There  remains  the  matter  of  what 

may  be  called  petulant  and  teasing  criticism,  on 
the  platform  and  in  the  press,  of  acts  and  policies  of 
nations  other  than  our  own.  A good  many  nations 
and  peoples,  have,  in  the  history  of  the  world, 
assumed  for  themselves  an  attitude  of  superiority 
toward  their  fellows,  and  have  shaped  their  beliefs 
and  practices  accordingly.  It  will  not  be  generally 
thought,  I fancy,  that  the  historic  results  of  this 
course  of  conduct  has  been  either  fortunate  or 
happy.  . . The  United  States  has  done  so 

much  to  educate  world  opinion  in  the  past  century 
and  a half  that  we  may  well  be  anxious  for  it  to  do 
still  more.  . . The  great  movement  in  which 

we  are  engaged  is  a part  and  parcel  of  a new  way 
of  life.  It  means  that  we  must  enter  with  fulness 
of  appreciation  into  the  activities  and  interests  of 
peoples  other  than  ourselves;  that  we  must  emu- 
late the  best  they  have  and  shun  the  worst;  that 
we  must  answer  in  no  uncertain  tones  that  we  are 
our  brothers’  keepers;  and  that  the  path  of  justice, 
of  integrity  and  fair  dealings,  as  with  men  so  with 
nations,  is  the  true  path  of  honor.  Let  us  see  to  it 
that  we  Americans  tread  steadily  in  it.” 

We  ha^'e  just  completed  a great  job  across  the 
waters.  Our  soldiers  are  coming  back  home.  We 
are  ready  to  turn  our  attention  to  something  else 
still  larger.  We  are  searching  for  that  elusive,  but 


FUTURE  RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  243 


tremendously  important,  thing  called  “the  moral 
equivalent  of  war.”  Here  is  the  finest  opportunity 
ever  presented  to  the  American  people.  It  is  right 
at  our  door.  What,  then,  are  we  going  to  do  about 
Mexico? 


APPENDIX  I 


Proposed  Plan  for  a University  to  Be  Established  in  Mexico 
(See  page  227) 


Training  in  the  Foundation  School 

This  school  is  designed  to  give  students  the  fundamental 
courses  as  at  present  offered  in  the  regular  Mexican  schools, 
but  presented  in  a more  practical  fashion.  It  may  be  advisable 
to  restrict  the  privileges  of  this  school  to  students  above  fifteen 
and  give  them  only  such  work  in  the  fundamentals  as  they 
actually  need.  Perhaps  the  general  standard  for  admission  to 
this  school  should  be  the  completion  of  the  four  years  of  the 
ordinary  elementary  primary  course.  In  some  cases  students 
will  not  have  this  equipment  and  it  should  be  given  them  in 
night  courses  while  they  pursue  some  definite  manual  work 
during  the  day.  Perhaps  the  work  of  the  two  years  of  superior 
primary  instruction  might  be  carried  on  partly  in  the  daytime, 
but  the  bulk  of  book  instruction  in  the  Foundation  School,  as 
in  Berea  College  and  Hampton  Institute,  should  be  at  night, 
with  the  days  given  to  manual  work  for  which  credit  or  com- 
pensation is  given.  All  must  do  some  work  through  all  grades 
of  the  school — more  in  the  lower  grades. 


Class  Work 


Fundamentalsinlanguage 
work,  number  work,  his- 
tory, geography,  civics,  na- 
ture study,  physiology,  ele- 
mentary agriculture,  with 
moral  instruction,  music, 
drawing,  and  other  forms  of 
simple  artistic  expression. 


Credit  should  be  given  to 
students  for  such  work  as 
they  have  done  in  the  pub- 
lic schools.  Special  pains 
should  be  taken  to  make 
this  work  of  a practical 
character  and  to  show  its 
application  to  life. 


APPENDIX  245 


Manual  Work 


1.  Regular  daily  work 
for  boys  and  girls  in  the 
shops,  farms,  and  dormitor- 
ies connected  with  the 
school.  Products  to  be  used 
in  institution  or  sold,  and 
credit  given  for  work  done. 

2.  Working  for  wages 
under  direction  in  outside 


shops  or  on  farms,  commer- 
cial establishmentsor  homes, 
under  supervision  of  school 
authorities.  Dormitory  fa- 
cilities provided  in  school 
wuth  payment  by  pupil 
from  proceeds  of  work.  Es- 
sential cooperation  between 
school  and  working  plants. 


Most  students  who  take  this  work  will  pass  directly  into 
industry,  agriculture,  or  home  work,  but  with  definite  training 
in  some  trade  or  occupation  and  an  enlarged  mental  and  moral 
outlook.  Those  who  have  the  aptitude  may  pass  immediately 
to  the  Normal  Institute.  To  this  others  who  have  the  requis- 
ite preparation  may  also  be  admitted.  The  Foundation  School 
will  have  no  fixed  time  limit,  but  deficient  students  may  be 
separated  from  the  others  whenever  it  is  deemed  advisable. 
In  time  this  work  in  the  Foundation  School  may  be  given  in 
regional  schools  and  dropped  at  the  central  institution. 


Training  in  the  Normal  Institute 

The  general  purpose  of  the  Institute  is  to  train  teachers  for 
vocational  work  and  to  prepare  skilled  foremen  and  superin- 
tendents for  shops  and  farms  and  social  workers  for  the  cities. 
The  course  should  presuppose  the  ordinary  w'ork  of  the  six 
years  of  primary  instruction.  If  the  student  knows  some 
trade,  either  from  his  work  in  the  Foundation  School  or  else- 
where, he  might  devote  relatively  more  time  to  the  cultural 
and  vocational  courses,  but  he  should  not  be  excused  from  all 
manual  tasks.  Because  of  the  variation  in  time  to  be  devoted 
to  manual  tasks,  there  should  be  no  definite  time  limit  for  this 
course.  It  should  be  at  least  four  years  and  might  run  to  six 
or  seven. 

I.  Cultural  Courses  (Few  required — election  according  to  pro- 
posed occupation.) 

I.  Language:  Literature  Croup — Composition,  Litera- 
ture, English,  French  (?). 


246 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


2.  Mathematics:  Advanced  Arithmetic,  Algebra,  Geome- 
try with  practical  applications. 

3.  Science  Group:  General  Science,  Descriptive  and 
Physical  Geography,  and  one  year  in  one  or  two  of  the  fol- 
lowing: Botany,  Zoology,  Geology,  Physics,  and  Chemis- 
try- (the  sciences  to  be  differentiated  according  to  trade 

pursued.) 

4.  History:  Social  Group,  National  History,  European 
History,  Civics,  Economics,  Surv-ey  of  Human  Progress 
and  Relationships. 

There  should  be  some  required  work  in  each  group  with  a 
choice  of  elections  according  to  occupation  preferred. 

II.  Vocational  Courses  (To  be  determined  by  proposed  occu- 

pation.) 

1.  Commercial:  Bookkeeping,  Stenography  and  Type- 
writing, Commercial  Geography,  Business  Methods, 
Business  Law,  Commercial  Arithmetic,  Penmanship. 

2.  Mechanical:  Mechanical  Drawing,  Elementary  Me- 
chanics, Industrial  Chemistry,  Applied  Physics. 

3.  Agricultural:  Applied  Mathematics  (?)  Soils  and 
Crops,  Horticulture,  Animal  Husbandry,  Farm  Mechan- 
ics and  Management. 

4.  Household  Arts:  Clothing  and  Textiles,  Foods  and 
Nutrition,  Home  Arts,  Nursing  and  Sanitation. 

5.  Community  Service:  Social  Grouping,  Public  and 
Private  Charities,  Social  Legislation. 

Psychology,  methods,  and  practice  teaching  should  accom- 
pany the  vocational  courses. 

III.  Manual  Work  (In  institution  or  outside  on  cooperative 

plan;  amount  to  be  lessened  if  student  has  already 
partly  acquired  standard  training  in  given  occupation. 
Psychology  and  methods  should  be  considered  along 
with  this  work.) 

The  following  are  some  of  the  trades  to  be  pursued  in  the 
Foundation  School  and  in  the  Normal  Institute:  Bricklaying, 
Carpentry,  Wheelwrighting,  Masonry,  Plumbing,  Forging, 
and  Blacksmithing.  The  object  in  the  Foundation  School 
should  be  the  training  of  skilled  workmen;  in  the  Normal 
Institute  the  training  of  industrial  and  agricultural  teachers  or 


APPENDIX 


247 


shop  foremen  or  superintendents.  The  Normal  Institute 
should  be  the  central  plant  of  the  institution,  with  such  pre- 
liminary work  in  the  Foundation  School  as  is  necessary  to 
prepare  the  students  for  the  Institute  and  such  subsequent 
development  of  other  facilities  as  circumstances  may  require. 

Every  one  in  the  Normal  Institute  will  be  required,  besides 
studying,  to  do  practical  work  with  his  hand  and  his  brains. 
Not  only  will  there  be  practice  schools  where  those  studying  to 
be  teachers  will  be  tried  out  under  faculty  supervision,  but 
there  will  be  social  service  carried  on  in  the  city  under  the 
direction  of  the  faculty,  training  for  leadership  in  such  com- 
munity work  as  clubs  for  boys  and  girls,  public  playgrounds, 
administration  of  charity,  application  of  principles  of  sanita- 
tion, development  of  the  use  of  public  libraries,  and  the  other 
problems  which  are  recognized  as  a part  of  the  modern  city. 
The  people  of  Mexico  City  are  already  awakening  to  these 
things,  as  is  shown,  for  example,  by  such  movements  as  the 
formation  of  a home  for  newsboys  by  public-spirited  citizens. 
But  trained  leadership  is  lacking. 

From  such  a department  in  the  Normal  Institute,  there 
would  naturally  develop  later  on  a full  school  of  philanthropy 
and  social  sciences,  which  would  train  leaders  for  all  kinds  of 
community  service,  and  maintain  a bureau  of  social  survey  to 
furnish  practical  guidance  to  organization  and  even,  if  so 
desired,  scientific  data  to  the  Government  for  purposes  of  leg- 
islative and  executive  action.  In  the  same  way,  the  study  of 
commercial  courses,  worked  out  in  practical  cooperation  with 
the  business  houses  of  the  city,  would  grow  into  a school  of 
business  and  finance,  where  the  men  would  be  trained  for 
dealing  with  the  complicated  questions  of  modern  finance,  and 
where  a department  of  research  would  be  maintained  to  study 
questions  that  might  be  referred  to  it.  And  so  on  throughout 
the  courses  of  the  Normal  Institute:  As  each  department 
grew  it  would  develop  a special  school — gardening  into  agri- 
culture, manual  arts  into  engineering,  and  courses  in  sanita- 
tion and  nursing  into  a medical  school,  if  such  should  seem 
desirable.  The  idea  in  the  development  of  all  these  schools 
should  be  to  do  work  that  would  not  duplicate  that  already 
being  done,  and  that  would  never  force  but  would  follow 
natural  lines  of  growth  as  needs,  circumstances,  and  national 
growth  indicate. 


248 


INTERVENTION  IN  MEXICO 


Professional  Schools 
in  Law  Medicine  Etc. 


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